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Project
Proposal
Introduction
In
the second half of the 20th century ethnic conflict became a most
frequent reason for war, forced migration and humanitarian crises. In
the period of 1945-1990 in the world there occurred more than 100 cases
of armed ethnic conflict, 50 cases of ethnic cleansing and genocide of
ethnic and religious minorities.[1] By the last decade of
the 20th century the nature of ethnic conflict had markedly changed:
since 1989 the majority of cases were intrastate protracted conflicts,
the victims of which for 90 % were civilians.[2]
According
to Goodhand and Hulme, the major distinctive feature of modern
ethnic conflict is its unprecedented social embeddedness: modern
conflicts have deep roots in the societies, affect almost all aspects
of social reality and are identity conflicts.[3] "Today's battlefield
has become the city or the village", the conflict is placed in the
midst of human communities, conflict entrepreneurs know perfectly
the local situation and use this knowledge to achieve their goals.[4]
Policymakers require similar competence to resolve modern ethnic
conflicts and overcome the consequences of ethnic wars.
The
proposed project is a policy research looking for strategies to
overcome the consequences of the least studied conflict in the
post-Soviet space - the Ingush-Osetian conflict. The project is aimed
at developing a policy proposal for addressing a cluster of problems
related to the return of Ingush forced migrants to Prigorodny District
of North Osetia based on in-depth analysis of the local situation,
drawing on the instructive experience of other countries, and
incorporating traditional peacemaking mechanisms developed and
practiced by mountainous North Caucasian peoples in the course of their
historical co-existence.
The
present policy research is based on the following assumptions drawn
from the author's previous work with IDPs from Prigorodny District:
At the current stage
of relations between the antagonists the effectiveness of peacemaking
is directly dependent on its support by local governments and informal
social institutions (Councils of Elders, religious leaders, etc ) of
both societies.
And:
The solution of
the cluster of problems related to the return of Ingush refugees
to the villages of Prigorodny district is impossible without
constructive participation of local governments and informal social
institutions in the process of decision-making and of implementing
decisions.
In compliance with
the above mentioned assumptions this research is envisaged as a policy
paper advising how to involve local stake-holders in the
peacemaking process in order to ensure the security and rights of the
Ingush migrants returning to North Osetia.
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Background
The
Orthodox Christian Osetians and the Sufi Muslim Ingush are two
indigenous North Caucasian peoples; both having their own statehood
within the larger Russian federal state - national Republics of North
Osetia-Alania and Ingushetia. Ingush and Osetian societies are
characterized by the survival of informal patterns of social integration[5] with
corresponding informal social institutions,[6] by decentralized
collective decision-making tradition and informal practices of dispute
resolution based on the customary law. These informal social
institutions have an influence on political decision-making and policy
implementation; local governments cooperate with informal institutions,
drawing on their traditional power and prestige.
On
November 31, 1992 in Prigorodny district of North Osetia[7] a short but very ferocious
episode of ethnic violence occurred between the Osetians and the
Ingushis. Prigorodny district, until mid 20th century historically the
area of primarily Ingush settlements, was annexed to the neighbouring
North Osetia in 1944 after the Stalinist deportation of Ingushis to
Central Asia;[8]
upon Ingushis' return for over three decades it remained a place of
co-inhabitancy of the two peoples. In early 1990s a vigorous 'national
revival' sharpened ethnic and religious hostilities, intensified
territorial disagreements, which resulted in an episode of ethnic war,
claiming 600 killed and thousands taken hostages from both sides. After
three days of fighting Ingushis were expelled from Prigorodny District
of North Osetia with 434 persons killed, 200 missing, 11 Ingush
villages reduced to rubble, 60,000 persons misplaced to their irrenda
republic of Ingushetia.[9]
For
almost a decade the conflict remained 'frozen'. The return process went
slow, and regardless of 180 documents adopted at the various levels of
government, hundreds of Ingush IDP families spent winters in
baracks and refugee caravans, without employment, due living facilities
and relief aid, even so representing a burden to their host Ingush Republic.[10]
In
2002 a new President was elected in Ingushetia. Mr. Zyzikov, a protege
of President Putin, brought with him support of the Federal Center, and
the political will of Kremlin to resolve the problem of Ingush forced
migrants. Under the pressure of the Federal Center since 2002 the
conflict officially entered "the phase of reconciliation",
changing the political discourse in both republics from 'conflict' to
'peace'. However, throughout 2002- first half of 2003 the
returning IDP s were systematically prevented from entering the Osetian
villages: they were stopped by the local police and hostile crowds of
the former neighbors. Thus, the process of return has been disrupted at
the lowest level, in the local communities. The socially embedded
conflict required deep societal transformation, negotiations with
various local groups, which could result in the acceptance of refugees
by local communities, their political and social institutions. Only the
support of peacemaking policies by the local stake-holders can ensure
an authentic change and guarantee security and equal rights to the
returning Ingushis. This paper aims to develop an informed expert
proposal on how to win this support.
Current
Situation, Key Research Issues and Methodology
The current situation
is characterized by the following facts:
1.
The republican and federal governments have no worked out consistent
strategy for changing the situation in the local communities in
Prigorodny district, for involving the local stake-holders in the
process of resolving the problems related to the return of the Ingush
refugees. Currently no conflict transformation policies are being
applied, the potential for using economic and social incentives to
accept Ingush migrants has not been researched and is not effectively
used. The presence of international organizations in the area is very limited.[11]
2.
The current strategies strongly depend on the spontaneous choices of
individual policy-makers and their personal motivation to involve local
actors;
3.
Policy-makers tend to minimize the influence or exclude the informal
social institutions from the official political process, overlooking
the positive potential of their inclusion;
4.
The experience gained from the occasional successful cooperation does
not contribute to the general improvement of the situation, due to the
lack of systematic overview of cooperation results.
Despite of the
widespread understanding that the issue of return of Ingush refugees
back to Prigorodny district requires support and positive feedback from
the local governments and major non-state power groups, systematic
policy-oriented research into the issue are non-existent. The proposed
project will help improve the fill the gap by:
1.
Analyzing the role of informal power structures (Councils of Elders,
religious authorities) and local governments in the public life of both
communities;
2.
Proposing a methodology and practical strategy for effective inclusion
of those institutions in the peacemaking process at the republican
level; for revival and strengthening the horizontal links between the
communities at the local level.
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To
achieve those goals the project will:
1.
Map power relations at the local level;
2.
Identify the most influential stake-holders; draw their profile in
terms of membership, inner organizational structures, interests,
identities, behavioral patterns.
3.
Carry out a social and historical analysis of the role of those
institutions and figures in the events in Prigorodny district of 1992
and their current attitudes to the peacemaking project
4.
Analyze the existing mechanisms and forms of interaction of local
institutions with the republican governing structures on a wide
spectrum of problems, including the issues of economic development;
5.
Research the existing principles and forms of interaction of
representatives of informal power structures and leaders of local
government on the issues related to return of Ingush forced migrants;
6.
Research the degree and mechanisms of horizontal interactions between
Ingush and Osetian communities without mediation of republican
governing agencies in the localities where the Ingushis did
return.
7.
Identify the range of possible mechanisms of pressure and reward
(including economic leverage) on the local stake-holders aimed at
making them more interested in the return of Ingush refugees;
8.
Develop relevant recommendations.
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The
research methods are the following:
I
Research of the local situation and local traditions of conflict
resolution:
Stake-holder
analysis will be mostly fed with anthropological research involving
small surveys and in-depth interviews with the residents of the Osetian
villages and Ingush refugees from Prigorodny district and participant
observation. Being employed by HRC "Memorial" I work on several
projects in Prigorodny district. On the average twice a week I work in
the "Memorial" legal/social assistance chamber in Prigorodny district,
aimed to directly deal with the problems of Ingush forced migrants. The
insights gained through these activities will be systematized in the
paper.
II
Research of the international experience in resolving similar problems:
Analysis
of relevant academic literature, documents, publications in press.
Possible
cases for study:
i)
The Balkans (Bosnia, Kosova)
ii)
Cyprus
iii)
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Publicizing
Results and Policy Advocacy
1.
The analytical part of the study will be published as a CEU working
paper and as an article in an academic journal.
2.
An academic article will be published in a Russian/North Caucasian
journal.
3.
Newspaper columns will be published in the Ingush central daily
"Serdalo" and the North Osetian daily "Golos Osetii".
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[1]
Barbara Harff and TR Gurr “Victims of the State: Genocides,
Politicides, and Group Repression from 1945 to 1995” in PIOOM
Newsletter and Progress Report 7 No. 1, 24–38 [back to text]
[2] Goodhand J. and Hulme D. Third
World Quaterly, Feb 1999 Vol 20 Issue 1; Eade D (ed) Development
in States of War. Oxford Oxfam 1996 p.5; Kaldor M. Reconceptualizing
Organized Violence in Archibugi D. Held. D. Kobler M. Re-imagining [back to text]
[3] Goodhand and Hulme ibid. [back to text]
[4] ibid. [back to text]
[5] eg. extended family, clan, local
community, religious brotherhood [back to text]
[6] eg. Elders, religious authorities,
leaders of clans [back to text]
[7] North Osetia is a North Caucasian
Republic of the Russian Federation. [back to text]
[8] On February 23, 1944 on the order of
Stalin the entire Ingush population on the accusation of ‘cooperation
with Nazis’ were put in the cattle trains and deported to Central Asia
and Siberia. The deportation lasted till 1957; Ingushis lost up to 1/5
of their population in the inhumane conditions of Stalinist exile. [back to text]
[9] who were ‘forcefully-voluntarily’
resettled on these lands in the years of Ingush exile of 1944-1957. [back to text]
[10] In Zdravomyslov A. 1998.
“Osetino-Ingushsky konflict, perspektivy vyhoda iz typikovoi situatsii”
“Osetian-Ingush Conflict: Perspectives of finding a way out from the
situation of deadlock” Moscow.Rospen. p. 66 [back to text]
[11] Mostly the international efforts
being concentrated on helping the refugees from the neighboring
Chechnya. [back
to text]
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