Research paper of IPF fellow Nana Sumbadze on the project: “Preparation of the program for opening the Center for Social Partnership” (Draft)

(Part of the research is carried out together with IPF fellow George Tarkhan-Mouravi)

1.Problem background

Georgia is the country where next to each other live people of different ethnicity and confession. The future of the country and the well-being of its population greatly depends on the co-existence of

population, on their sharing the main values and responsibilities. Azeries and Armenians , comprise the biggest minorities of the country. Moslem Meskhetians constitute another big group, although not yet residing in Georgia, cultural integration of whom is of a paramount importance for the state. Religion, language and culture of Azeri and Moslem Meskhetians are quite close to each other and hence the problems of integration of these two groups can be discussed together.

The main goal of the project is the preparation of a program and a working plan for the opening of the “Center for Social Partnership”. The need for establishing of such a center became especially evident as a result of the research carried out in the framework of the Open Society Institute International Policy Fellowship. The study of Moslem Meskhetians – Turcophone group deported in 1944 from South Georgia to Central Asia and now spread all over Central Asia, North Caucasus, central Russia and Ukraine, but in the first place concentrated in Azerbaijan, revealed that one of the main obstacles for repatriation, which is much sought by Meskhetians and is strongly advocated by the Council of Europe and other International organizations, is a negative attitude of the majority of Georgia’s population towards their return. Such an attitude is to a considerable degree determined by the low level of integration of Moslem Meskhetians to local communities in Georgia, as previously before the deportation, as well currently in the countries of their present residence.

Repatriation of Moslem Meskhetians is the obligation signed as a precondition of membership of Georgia in the Council of Europe, and is at the same time undoubtedly the question of the restoration of historical justice and a moral imperative for the Georgian state. However, without adequate planning and close monitoring of the process, it can turn into still another tragedy both for Moslem Meskhetians themselves as well as for the Georgian state. Expected influx of Moslem Meskhetians in coming twelve years should be well prepared on legislative and organizational levels. Contact of local population with returnees can easily become a source of conflict, especially if the other side is perceived as a rival for available scarce resources. Therefore there is a pressing need of organizing the contacts between the local population and returnees in a way conducive for peaceful cooperation.

In the survey, representatives of the population of Georgia, as well as Moslem Meskhetians living in Georgia and Azerbaijan, pointed to the big cultural distance separating deported people from the local population in Georgia. This distance is first of all determined by poor command of Georgian, different religious practices, little knowledge of dominant traditions, customs and history of Georgia. Not much is known by the local population either about the culture and the history of Moslem Meskhetians. Attitudes of both groups feed on myths and memories of enmity rather than on facts of past peaceful co-existence.

The second group, whose integration issues should be targeted by the Center for Social Partnership is the community of ethnic Armenians, residing in South Georgia, compactly in Javakheti (districts of Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda), in villages of Akhaltsikhe district, and are mixed with Georgian population in capital Tbilisi and town of Akhaltsikhe.

The research carried out on Moslem Meskhetians and reflected in policy paper of 2001 IPF Fellowship allowed to single out the main issues that should be addresses by the center. Below is the attempt to analyze the problems of integration which are faced by the Armenian population residing in the South of Georgia, in the region of Samtskhe-Javakheti.

2.Description of the situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti region

2.1.General discription

Samtskhe-Javakheti region is one of the 11 regions of Georgia. Akhaltsikhe, the regional centre is on 262 kms distance from the capital, Tbilisi. Region borders Turkey and Armenia. Samtskhe-Javakheti province occupies about 9.3% of Georgia's entire territory and accounts for about 4.4% of its population, is among the most ethnically non-homogeneous regions of Georgia. A number of its current problems stem from this diversity. Integrating the two major ethnic groups – Armenians and Georgians, represents a major political challenge for the region. The ethnic composition is characterized by clear-cut ethnic boundaries between different settlement types, and the absence of major mixed ethnic settlements. The only truly mixed in Samtskhe-Javakheti province is town of Akhaltsikhe.

Samtskhe-Javakheti region consists of an area of c. 6,400 square kilometres and has a total population of almost 235,000. Samtskhe-Javakheti is a historical region of Georgia, which is characterised by a number of specific difficulties exacerbating the general political and socio-economic problems of Georgia.

2.2.Natural conditions and terrain

Samtskhe-Javakheti is located in the Southern part of Georgia, in the Mtkvari river basin, and consists of 6 districts with regional capital in Akhaltsikhe. Geologically it is composed by predominantly volcanic structures, and prone two earthquakes.

Map of Samtskhe-Javakheti (from Antonenko 2001)

Akhaltsikhe district, with area just slightly more than 1010 sq. km is comprised of two towns - Akhaltsikhe and Vale, and 47 villages united into 16 communities with local governments. It is located north to the Turkish border, between the southern slopes of Meskheti and northern slopes of Erusheti ranges. The town of Akhaltsikhe lies along the banks of the Potskhovi river where it joins the valley of Mtkvari. Main rivers are Mtkvari, which, after originating in Turkey, crosses the region for 40 km, also rivers of Potskhovi and its tributaries Qvabliani and Uraveli, and the smaller rivulets of Tsinubnistskali and Chvintagele. Near the village Tskaltbila there is also a thermal sulphuric spring, with two more mineral water springs in Uraveli and Tsinubani.

Climate in Akhaltsikhe dustrict is dry continental, with little precipitation. The region is located on the altitude from 950m (village Atskuri) to 2964m (Mta Gumbati). Average annual temperature is between 6 and 9 C^o. The winter frosts start in October and last until April. January is the coldest month of the year with average temperature of –3.8C. The hottest month is August, when temperature often reaches 40 C^o. The average annual humidity is between 65% and 75%. Annual precipitation varies between 500 and 700 mm, with maximum precipitation occurring in June (40-70 mm) and minimum in January (30-35mm). Snow cover stays between December and March.

The terrain of the district is complex, with volcanic mountains and hills, terraces, narrow valleys, small caves in the cliffy river banks, mostly with scarce vegetation - xerophytic bushes growing on the rocky slopes, sub-alpine and alpine meadows up in the hills. Rare forests are comprised by oak and carpinus caucasica, pines and firs. There are three main zones of soil varieties in the district - transitory forest, mountain forest, and meadow type. Actually, about 30% of the territory is covered with bushes and forests, and 40%, i.e. about 40 thousand ha, are agricultural lands, from which 30% are pastures and meadows and 10% are arable lands. The district is rich with mineral resources, including soft bituminous coal (Vale and Naokhrebi mines), diatomite (in Kisatibi), agate (Shurdo and Pamaj-Ziareti mines), gypsum (in Tskaltbila) and many varieties of mineral building materials.

The district is connected with Tbilisi by a highway (224km) and a railway via Borjomi. Another highway connects Akhaltsikhe also with Turkey, near the Vale cross point. Other roads are leading also to Batumi (via Goderdzi pass), Kutaisi (via Zekari pass), and Armenia (via Akhalkalaki). The length of districts’ inner (mostly gravel) roads is 290km.

Administrative district of Akhalkalaki is the biggest in Samtskhe-Javakheti, it covers 1,235 square km. Apart from the township of Akhalkalaki (known since 9th-10th cc. as located on the crossroad of the Great Silk way) - the sole urban settlement in the district located at the altitude of 1700 m, there are 21 rural communities, uniting 64 villages.

The district is situated on Javakheti volcanic highland plane at the altitude of c. 1500-2000 m, with highest elevation reaching 3304 m. The area is rich in basalt. Geotectonic composition is geologically young and rather unstable, and the area is considered as highly prone to earthquakes. In the East the district is bordered by Abul-Samsar range, while in the North it is bordered by Trialeti range. The area is rich in water resources, rivers and lakes. Apart of the biggest river Mtkvari, which flows for 18 km within the district territory, its tributaries include Paravani, Murjakhetistskali, Chaobareti and Baraleti. Small lakes can be found in almost all parts of the district, the biggest among them the lakes of Zreski and Khozapini (Kartsakhi). There are also swamps on Baraleti plain, in the vicinities of Vachiani, Okami,Suldi, Kartsakhi, and Abuli settlements.

The climate is harsh and continental, that of highland steps, characterized by cold winter with little snow and cool summer with little precipitation. January is the coldest month of the year with average temperature of –7 to –10 C. The hottest month is August, with average temperature in the range of 14-16C. Average humidity is between 70-73%, annual precipitation average varies between 500 and 700 mm. The maximum precipitation occurs in June (90-100 mm.) and minimum in January (16-25mm.). Snow cover stays on most of the territory between October and March. The soils are mostly mountain black earth. Most of the terrain is devoid of bushes, trees or forests (only 3.5% of the territory), covered predominantly by sub-alpine and alpine meadows. More than 70% of the area, i.e. 90 thousand ha, are lands of agricultural usage, about 35% of these made by pastures and hay lands, about 35% arable land, excellent for potato culture.

The district is bordering with Turkey and Armenia. From the town of Akhalkalaki, it is 30 km distance from Turkish and 50km from Armenian border. Roads are connecting Akhalkalaki with Tbilisi via Tsalka (172 km) and via Akhaltsikhe - 300 km. Distance from Akhaltsikhe is 60km, also another gravel road goes via Borjomi and Bakuriani bypassing Tabatsquri lake. There is also a railroad linking Akhalkalaki with Tbilisi via Marabda, but it is hardly operational. There is also an airfield in the neighbourhood of Akhalkalaki that is in need of reconstruction.

2.3.Demographic structure and migration

Samtskhe-Javakheti province, which occupies about 9.3% of Georgia's entire territory and accounts for about 4.4% of its population, is among the most ethnically non-homogeneous regions of Georgia, and some of current problems stem from this diversity. Integrating the two major ethnic groups – Armenians and Georgians, represents a major political challenge for the region. The ethnic composition is characterized by clear-cut ethnic boundaries between different settlement types, and the absence of major mixed ethnic settlements besides Akhaltsikhe: there are very few ethnic-Georgian villages within Akhalkalaki region, but in all cases the Georgian population is settled compactly and closely integrated with local Armenian majority – practically all of them speak Armenian. Similarly Armenian groups are as a rule compactly settled in the other regions that have a Georgian majority. The only truly mixed region in Samtskhe-Javakheti province is Akhaltsikhe.

Akhalkalaki district is dominated by ethnic Armenians, who make up to 95% of the district (while they make approximately 40% of the population in Samtskhe-Javakheti region), others being mostly Georgians, who are a small minority there. The population of Akhalkalaki district is between 71,000 and 76,000, although precise data is hardly available due to high migration rates and frequent cases of double or even triple citizenship, although illegal. The district centre, town of Akhalkalaki, counts about 13,000 to 15,000 residents. Armenians here mostly belong to Armenian Apostolic (Gregorian) Church, with some Cathiolics, but unlike ethnicity religion plays relatively little role in forming identity.

Part of Georgians here are resettled from Ajara in 1989, after catastrophic landslides there, and these form a small relatively young rural community, predominantly Muslim. Other Georgians, mainly Christian Orthodox, are mostly living in the town, and play little role in the society. Due to difficult economic conditions, many young males go to Russia in search of work, in many cases seasonally, returning home for the winter. This causes significant demographic disbalances, distorting the age and gender structure of the local population, aggravated further by increasing emigration to Armenia and Russia, especially of more educated and skilled young men. This partly reduces land shortages, on one hand, and helps with cash inflow through transfers, but negative consequences seem to be more conspicuous.

Significant part of the urban population in Akhalkalaki are bilingual, speaking Russian in the first place and then colloquial Armenian (often unable to read and write in that language), while in the countryside Russian is much less known. However, the overwhelming majority of Armenians in Akhalkalaki district, like as in neighbouring Ninotsminda, do not speak Georgian at all, although it is supposedly taught in schools, and show little interest in learning it. All ethnic Georgians here, in their turn, speak fairly good Armenian. In addition to the language barrier, the area is isolated from the rest of Georgia due to the lack of communication facilities and both print and broadcast media, while Georgian TV, unlike Russian and Armenian, generally cannot be received in Javakheti.

In Akhaltsikhe district with the population of about 55,000, Georgians are playing much more important role here. Relative economic prosperity of the town, its role as the administrative centre within the region and its geographic location along major communications routes, mitigate socio-economic problems and create conditions for quite effective cohabitation. Armenians in Akhaltsikhe district speak better Georgian than in Javakheti, many Armenians living there demonstrate fairly good command of it, but still even there the language skills deficiency is still a very serious problem (especially among those who live in 14 predominantly Armenian villages) have problems with speaking Georgian., leading to informational and cultural isolation.

Georgians in Samtskhe-Javakheti belong partly to Orthodox, partly to Catholic Church (apart of a small number of Ajaran settlers in Akhalkalaki district who are Sunni Muslims), but like in the case of Armenians, ethnicity and language are much more important in determining identity. Intermarriages are quite common. In Akhaltsikhe there is also a very limited number of Muslim Meskhetians (up to 100), who have repatriated in recent years, but although the issue of repatriation is widely discussed, actual repatriation is insignificant. Seasonal migration and emigration is less noticeable in Akhaltsikhe district, partly due to better economic conditions and less isolation, but also because of weak tradition of seasonal migration here. The population of the town of Akhaltsikhe, which is both regional and district centre, is c. 24,000, while the second biggest town of Vale counts around 5,000 residents. Akhaltsikhe (ancient name Lomsia) has quite old urban tradition, it is mentioned as a town already in 12th century.

Javakheti, comprising of two districts of Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda is dominated by ethnic Armenians, who make up to 95% of Javakheti (while they make approximately 40% of the population in Samtskhe-Javakheti region), others being mostly Georgians, who are a small minority there. Armenians mostly belong to Armenian Apostolic (Gregorian) Church, with some Catholics, but unlike ethnicity religion plays relatively little role in forming identity.

Part of Georgians here are resettled from Ajara in 1989, after catastrophic landslides there, and these form a small relatively young rural community, predominantly Moslem. Other Georgians, mainly Christian Orthodox and Catholic, play little role in the society. Due to difficult economic conditions, many young males go to Russia in search of work, in many cases seasonally, returning home for the winter. This causes significant demographic disbalances, distorting the age and gender structure of the local population, aggravated further by increasing emigration to Armenia and Russia, especially of more educated and skilled young men. This partly reduces land shortages, on one hand, and helps with cash inflow through transfers, but negative consequences seem to be more conspicuous and longlasting.

Significant part of the urban population in Akhalkalaki is bilingual, speaking Russian in the first place and then colloquial Armenian (although often unable to read and write in that language), while in the countryside Russian is much less known. However, the overwhelming majority of Armenians in Akhalkalaki district, like as in neighbouring Ninotsminda, do not speak Georgian, which is a state language, at all, although it is supposedly taught in schools, and show little interest in learning it. All ethnic Georgians here, in their turn, speak fairly good Armenian.

In Akhaltsikhe district with the population of about 55,000, Georgians are playing much more important role. Relative economic prosperity of the town, its role as the administrative centre within the region and its geographic location along major communications routes, mitigate socio-economic problems and create conditions for quite effective cohabitation. More Armenians in Akhaltsikhe district speak Georgian than in Javakheti and demonstrate fairly good command of it, but still even there the language skills deficiency is still a very serious problem, leading to informational and cultural isolation. Intermarriages are quite common.

In Akhaltsikhe there is also a very limited number of Moslem Meskhetians (up to 100), who have repatriated in recent years, but although the issue of repatriation is widely discussed, actual repatriation is insignificant. Seasonal migration and emigration is less noticeable in Akhaltsikhe district, partly due to better economic conditions and less isolation, but also because of weak tradition of seasonal migration here.

3.Problems of the region

3.1.Isolation

Now one of the least developed in the country, Samtskhe-Javakheti was historically one of the most developed regions of Georgia, and great number of cultural monuments, churches, citadels and karvasla-s (or karavan-sarays - ancient inns situated along the great silk road passing the Mtkvari valley) serve as a vocal evidence of the past glory. It differs from other parts of Georgia due to the experience of centuries of isolation and multi-ethnic and multi-confessional composition. The southern part of Samtskhe-Javakheti for some centuries belonged to Turkey, became Islamised, and partly inhabited by nomadic Turkic tribes. In the first half of the 19th c. the region was conquered by the Russian Empire, significant part of the Moslem population were pushed out to Turkey, replaced by Armenians mostly from Eastern Anatolia in Turkey. The remaining part of Moslem population (c. 100,000) were deported in 1944 by Stalin to Central Asia, never allowed to return throughout the Soviet period. The majority of them were from Akhaltsikhe, Aspindza, Adigeni districts, and about 10% from Akhalkalaki. Soviet rule left other sad trace – Southern part of Georgia along the border with Turkey was defined as so called “border zone” with special heightened security regime, which precluded any person from outside the zone to enter it without special permit. At the same time, the economic conditions were maintained artificially slightly better than in other parts of the country. This special “border” regime caused dramatic isolation, not yet overcome, and on one hand brought economic decline, but on the other kept down criminality and chaos. Due to such experience the region is more self-sufficient and is less integrated into economic, political and cultural life of other parts of the country.

With Georgia’s independence, in addition to economic decline, dramatic emergence in interethnic tension was caused by president Gamsakhurdia’s nationalist rhetoric, but never led to large-scale violence. Another important event was the Karabakh conflict. Many young Armenians from Akhalkalaki, led by patriotic feelings, have participated in the conflict, and this experience continues to play significant role in forming values and identities, and especially in strengthening anti-Moslem attitudes. The last event, causing much dissatisfaction among Akhalkalaki Armenians, was dividing of Georgia into 11 administrative regions, so that Akhalkalaki district now belongs to Samtskhe-Javakheti region with capital in Akhaltsikhe. Dissatisfaction is caused by mainly two points – the necessity to go to Akhaltsikhe in order to solve some administrative issues, and the fact that unlike Javakheti, i.e. Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda districts, where Armenians form absolute majority of the population and could aspire for autonomy, their average share in Samtskhe-Javakheti is much more modest, around 40%. As a result, there is ongoing demand for separating the two districts of Javakheti from Samtskhe - i.e. Akhaltsihe plus the districts of Adigeni, Aspindza and Borjomi. Inhabitants of Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda districts reveal quite strong adherence to traditional, patriarchal values and ways of life, strengthened by decades of isolation. This is especially noticeable among the Armenian population of Javakheti, particularly in such issues as gender roles. Women play here secondary role in the society, and hardly ever are allowed to express their opinion publicly. Compared to other regions of Georgia, there are relatively few women involved in civil sector. Now, as more and more young males go in search of work abroad, either seasonally or on permanent basis, women started to play increasingly important social roles, but also are obliged to undertake the double burden of raising the children and taking care of subsistence farming.

Armenian-speaking districts of Javakheti experience extreme informational, political, communicational and economic isolation from the rest of Georgia. Lack of integration with the rest of Georgia not only creates public alienation, weakening of the feeling of citizenship and belonging, as well as security and confidence in future, but also has highly adverse impact on civil and economic development of the area. Poor knowledge of the Georgian language among ethnic Armenians, and little willingness to integrate into the Georgian society due to practical difficulties as well as elements of ethnic nationalism, contribute further to isolation, underdevelopment and the risks of instability.

3.2.Attitude towards Turkey and Islam

Both Turkey and Islam are looked at with suspicion by the inhabitants of the whole region, Georgian and Armenian communities alike. The Georgian inhabitants of Akhaltsikhe district to certain extent preserve historic memories of being oppressed under Turkish Ottoman rule and remember atrocities related with the Moslem population of the region, until their deportation in 1944. Georgians in general are suspicious of Turkey’s intentions, keeping in mind centuries of invasion. Such suspicione have been further aggravated during Soviet times, when the special regime of the border zone had clear function of protecting against hostile NATO member state.

Armenian population of Samtskhe-Javakheti, in its turn, is traditionally much more hostile than ethnic Georgians toward Turkey, and toward any Moslem groups like Moslem Meskhetians and Azeris who are identified as closely related to Turks. The bitter memories of many cases of interethnic violence in Turkey involving Armenians, especially the bloody events of 1915, are extremely strong. Involvement of many Armenians from Samtskhe-Javakheti in military action in Karabakh further revived such hostile attitudes. It is the more so, that majority of Armenians in the region got resettled from Turkey in 19th century, and still don’t feel themselves fully comfortable on the territory, as revealed by repeated attempts to erase any remains of Georgian inscriptions on old churches and other monuments and attempts to prove their previous presence here. Due to the closeness of Turkish border this sense of insecurity is even more strengthened, also supported by the personnel of the Russian military base and Russian media.

Turkey is today the Georgia’s largest trading partner, responsible for 22% of exports and 16% of imports (Russia is the second with 21% of exports and 13% of imports). Javakheti has 80-90 km long border with Turkey and can benefit from increasing trade. However, Armenians of Javakheti look at the increasing cooperation of Georgia with Turkey, and also with Azerbaijan, with great concern (e.g. Turkish military aid provided to Georgia, especially 1.27 million dollars for reconstruction of military airfield in Marneuli district, predominantly populated by ethnic Azeris). Another similar concern is the construction of Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, which is supposed to increase further Turkish influence and serve as an excuse of its presence in Georgia..

The planned 287 km long railway connection of Tbilisi with Turkish town of Karsi via Akhalkalaki is another great concern for Javakheti population. Kars-Tbilisi railway line project, which is expected to contribute to the improvement of economic and trade relations between Turkey and Central Asia, was included into the 2003 year investment program of the Turkish government. Project and tender works are expected to start in the coming weeks, with approximately 423 trillion lira of mostly foreign investment expected. Following the completion of Kars-Tbilisi railway line, railway transportation of Europe to the Caspian – Central Asian region would be via Turkey.

3.3.Risk of ethnic conflict

One of the dividing lines between the government and Armenian community in Javakheti is the issue of the closure of Russian military base. By Istanbul, 1999 agreement, 30 000 servicemen strong military base, stationed in Alkhalkalaki is to be closed. Javakheti Armenian population strongly disagree with such solution as they see Russian base as defence from much feared Turkish invasion and the as the sole employer for the inhabitants of the district. In the situation of existing tensions situation becomes prone to being sensitive toward external manipulation on all levels. Various actors in the region often exploit popular fears associated with political and economic insecurity. The crisis is likely to occur if the government fails to develop and publicise in time a comprehensive package of economic and social measures aimed at mitigating negative consequences of the base closure. The demand of separating Javakheti from the Samtskhe-Javakheti region along ethno-demographic lines and creating a political autonomy is one of bargaining chips and leverages promoted if not induced from outside. There are other opportunities for manipulation with potential interethnic tensions not only from Yerevan, Ankara and Moscow, but also from illegal businesses and clans as well as extremist nationalist organisations interested in preserving uncertainty and disorder.

3.4.Repatriation of Moslem Meskhetians

The issue of repatriation of Moslem population which in 1944 was deported from Samtskhe-Javakheti region to Central Asia and now is spread over republics of Central Asia, Azerbaijan, Russia, Ukraine and Georgia as well as Turkey arises much concern among the population of the region. The aspirations of rank and file Meskhetians as well as numbers of those who actually want to change their present place of residence are unknown. While many claim that they want to return, such a claim may imply having such option rather than denote actual readiness to leave home and start a new life. On the other hand Georgia, as a condition of membership of Euro Council took an obligation to repatriate Moslem Meskhetians in a period of 12 years, of which three already has passed.

Major fears and concerns that reside at the heart of the popular opposition to the repatriation are the following:

· Fear of Turkicization of the region and potential secessionist trends. People fear that after the repatriation, the demographic balance changes dramatically and the whole province will become predominantly Turkish and Moslem. In this scenario, the Moslem Meskhetian are expected to outnumber everybody else in the province of Samtskhe-Javakheti, demand autonomy for it and eventually claim union with Turkey.

· Fear of ethnic tensions. In the meetings and discussions residents of Samtskhe-Javakheti claim that in case of attempts of repatriation undertaken by the state, they will took to arms and would not allow Moslem Meskhetians to enter the region. Stories of tension, bloodshed and atrocities between the Moslems on the one hand and Christian Georgian and Armenian population on the other hand during the 1918-21 period and afterwards are widely discussed. The record of conflict between Turks and Armenians, and general Armenian perception of historical victimization by Turkey, is an additional factor of these fears.

· Property Those inhabitants of Meskheti, who had been forcibly brought from different parts of Georgia and settled in the houses of deportees in 1944 fear that repatriates will reclaim their land and property.

· Competition for scarce resources. Population fears that with the influx their employment opportunities will be farther reduced. The deficiency of land for agriculture will be aggreviated.

Despite all that, in Samtskhe-Javakheti as well as in other parts of Georgia there are examples of successful adaptation of those repatriates that had arrived earlier.

3.5.Economic situation

Samtskhe-Javakheti in Soviet times used to be a quite well to do region. The districts of Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki both enjoyed the special economic status specific for border zones, which implied higher salaries than average in the country and other benefits, huge Soviet market for local products, low prices and high employment rate. Due to the region’s geographic location and its former status as of closed military zone under the FSU, it was less integrated with other parts of Georgia, and economically more dependant on other regions of the FSU, especially Russia. During that time, many essential supplies were cheaply provided by the state, and in turn local agricultural products were sold throughout central Russia. Today, in both districts subsistence agriculture remains the main occupation in the countryside, as most industrial enterprises are closed down, with high unemployment in urban areas. Land privatisation left farmers with mostly small plots of about 1-1.5 hectares, not allowing for effective agriculture. Equally negatively production is influenced by little access to seasonal credits, poor access to markets and lack of food processing industry.

Agriculture is the main income generation means for the inhabitants. The main produce of the region is potatoes, cabbage and fruit. The livestock breeding is also developed. But the fragmentation of land, as a consequence of privatisation, lack of mechanization, problems with irrigation and realization of produce do not allow for full-fledged commercial farming, so that the production costs for some products are even higher than for imported analogues. Still, the agricultural potential of the region is significant. Even under current conditions, the region produced (in 2001) 40.2% of all potatoes produced in Georgia, with the highest yield of about 15.3 tonnes from a hectare, 5.1% of vegetables with 12.2 tonnes per hectare, 4.5% of wheat with 2.1 tonne per hectare, and 4.8% of maize (2.2 tonnes); also, there are 8.4% of the whole number of cattle, 1.8% of pigs, 13.7% - sheep and goats, 12.3% of bee families, 5.4% of poultry. The region contributed to 8.7% of the national production of meat, 10.2% of milk, 4.2% of eggs, 21.4% of wool, and 13.8% of honey.

Currently, official economic performance indicators in Javakheti, and Akhalkalaki in particular, are poor and getting even worse, while Akhaltsikhe district, on the contrary, is the best performer in the region. Akhaltsikhe is relatively well connected with Tbilisi by a highway via Gori, Khasuri, and Borjomi. However, in order to go to Akhalkalaki, it is easier to use the same road and then drive some 60 km of poor road, than coming by much shorter route passing via Ninotsminda and Tsalka, which is mainly gravel road in very poor condition. Indeed, the road through Tsalka, designed to connect the region with the capital, cannot be used and all traffic has to go through Akhaltsikhe and Borjomi, around the minor Caucasus range instead of across it, making for a 6-7 hour journey, depending on weather and traffic. The horrible condition of the roads, both local and of central, increases economic isolation.

In Akhaltsikhe, due to better contact with the rest of Georgia, as well as with Turkish markets, and also more natural resources and milder climate, situation is indeed somewhat better than in Akhalkalaki. Especially the construction of Baku-Jeyhan Main Export Pipeline (MEP) for transit of Caspian oil creates certain hopes and some cash inflow, mainly as a compensation for landowners where the pipeline will pass. However, industrial production continues to be very low, although previously the district was known for its mining and other mineral resources (coal in Vale and Naokhrebi, diatomite, agate - Shurdo and Pamaj-Ziareti mines, gypsum, other building materials), as well as the renowned thermal sulphuric waters (near village of Tsqaltbila), also Uraveli and Tsinubani mineral waters. There was significant production of electric engines, cheese, meat, can and wool, building materials, also a number of sawing mills. The dissolution of the Soviet economic system resulted in the closure of all bigger scale industry in the region, giving place to subsistence agriculture that is the main income generation means for the inhabitants. The main produce of the region is potatoes, cabbage and fruit, as well as dairy and meat from cattle breeding.

Travellers to Akhalkalaki notice the low living standard of the population. Incomes have dropped considerably even when compared to figures from the pervious years, especially with strengthening the border control and introduction of visa regime with Russia. This means both the general economic decline and the shift of economic activity into shadow area. Since 1990, most of factories in Akhalkalaki district have been closed down, and much of the equipment disappeared. Previously, there was large cheese and fishing industry, clothing and shoe manufacture, building materials, basalt, cement and timber processing, and even production of aerial ropeway equipment. Today, most of remaining activity consists of agricultural, fishery and livestock breeding at rather small scale, including meat, dairy, wheat and potatoes, as well as some bee-keeping, sausage, lemonade, pastry production and baking. Now only small workshops are operating producing sausages and cheese. Today, the biggest employer in the district is Russian military base.

As far as the majority of local population in Akhalkalaki are involved in subsistence agriculture, or in paralegal trade activities, there are very few businesses that are formally incorporated. However, the scale of such activities remains insufficient for any stable income, and although agriculture creates certain self-sufficiency in food, the quality of life remains very low. High level of unemployment forces large numbers of the male population to seasonally (or for more prolonged periods) migrate to Russia, often returning to their families only in the winter. Together with the presence of the Russian military base, this is a major reason for the predominance of the Russian rouble rather than the GEL on the local market. Local production, almost exclusively dependent on agriculture, has suffered greatly from the dramatic change in the pricing structure. A litre of milk, which previously could buy up to 5 litres of diesel fuel, now is only sufficient for ten times less amount of fuel.

Isolation of the Javakheti province has contributed to a profound economic decline in the Akhalkalaki region over the past decade, which was further aggravated by poor supply of affordable electricity in the region, and shrinking volume of cross-border trade and transit with Armenia and Turkey. Widespread corruption among road police prevents access to markets, as well as deterioration of irrigation systems and lack of quality seeds lead to further decline in agricultural output. Food processing is accompanied by poor sanitary conditions, especially among small private cheese producers which otherwise is excellent. There are similar difficulties also with cross-border trade with Armenia, where traders are harassed by multiple (mostly illegal) customs points on the way to Armenia-Georgia border (frequently organized by the locals themselves living nearby), while poor roads also limit the scale of cross-border trade.

Many hopes are linked to the prospects of turning Samtskhe-Jaakheti into transportation hub. Akhalkalaki is an important location on the route for a prospective railroad to Kars, and a highway passing through Kartsakhi border crossing and customs site. However, the routing was chosen for the Baku-Ceyhan and Baku-Erzurum pipelines so that they do not pass through Akhalkalaki district but via Borjomi, obviously for security reasons related to the presence of the Russian base. Still, these pipelines are passing through Akhaltsikhe, and are supposed to bring significant benefits to the population there. All these transportation projects will definitely contribute to the improvement of economic and trade relations between Turkey, Armenia and Georgia, and to significant flows of goods from/to Central Asian Turkish Republics. Following the completion of the Kars-Tbilisi railroad, railway transportation from Europe to the region and further to Central Asia will become fairly easy, while the second part of Kars-Tbilisi railway line, to be completed in 2006, will reach Trabzon.

3.6.Social conditions

Widespread poverty and lack of resources, together with general isolation from the centre cause many social problems, although mainly do not differ in any significant way from those in other parts of Georgia. These are primarily: declined and under-funded social services – healthcare and education in the first place, high unemployment, power shortages, problems with piped water and sewerage and resulting health problems, informational deficiency, little opportunity for leisure activities especially for the young, growing delinquency and little attention to disabled and vulnerable. Often basic statistics may be misleading, as in accordance to old tradition it is concentrated on inputs (such as number numbers of schools, or hospital beds), not outputs. So, there are too many schools in the region, but the pupil-teacher ratio is far from effective, while conditions are dire. School buildings are dilapidated and in urgent need for repairs. During long winter months there is difficult problem of insufficient heating, there is lack of desks so that often three children sit at one desk instead of normal two. Low incomes, subsistence economy of households and little awareness of healthy nutrition needs resulted in the highest in Georgia rate of stunting (retarded child growth due to chronic malnutrition) among the children of the Samtskhe-Javakheti region. The situation is slightly alleviated by IOCC “Lunch project”, providing free lunch to 1-4 grades schoolchildren of the region.

In Akhalkalaki district there are 1700 teachers teaching at 69 schools, among them 59 are Armenian, 9 are Georgian and 1 is Russian. Out of 9 Georgian schools only one is in Akhalkalaki, all others are in the villages with Georgian population. Textbooks for Armenian schools are provided free of charge by Armenia, while for the Russian school - by Moscow mayor’s office. The problem is with Georgian textbooks, which are quite expensive, so that parents often cannot afford buying them. In addition, there are 7 higher education institutions although no middle level technical education facility. So, it is not the number of schools available, but rather the quality of teaching and conditions that are causing concern. Actually, only now the first initiatives assist in providing a few computers, earlier virtually unavailable. Only one library – the resource centre supported by the British Embassy functions in the district. In order to obtain high education, many of Armenian youth of Akhalkalaki would go to Yerevan to continue studies, as poor knowledge of Georgian would preclude them from studying in Tbilisi and other Georgian cities with better schools. However, the opening here of Tbilisi State University branch in September will probably have considerable impact on the situation, as it had in Akhaltsikhe.

Poverty is overwhelming. Wages and pensions still remain the main source of regular monetary income, therefore considerable dependence on them. As everywhere else, pensions are miniscule comprising only 14 lari, not received regularly. Inhabitants of Akhalkalaki district complain on the delays with pension and wage payments, amounting to 15 months of lag. Administrations of many state agencies that no more operate would not dismiss the employees being unable to pay out further accumulating debts. There are 620 lonely pensioners registered in the district, who depend on this scarce benefit for their survival.

In Akhaltsikhe district there are 864 teachers teaching at 46 schools, among them are 31 Georgian, 12 Armenian and 3 Russian. There is also a boarding school for 50 retarded children, supervised and aided by the university (TSU branch), with 18 teachers, however they rely on obsolete methodology and materials. In addition, there are three higher education institution that plays great role in the society. This is in the first place the Akhaltsikhe Branch of Tbilisi State University, opening of which has drastically changed the intellectual scene as well as demography of Akhaltsikhe. University now has more than 2000 students who study at 8 departments, with 150 permanent pedagogical staff and about 40 visiting professors from Tbilisi.

Accessing proper health care treatment is not an easy task either in Samtskhe-Javakheti. Available facilities are also in poor state. In Alkaltsikhe district there operate fifteen healthcare institutions, all of them private, including three hospitals. However, no such institution exists in Akhalkalaki district to be registered by the Ministry of Labour, Health and Social. Residents of Akhalkalaki can go to the hospital in adjutant Ninotsminda, one at the military base or further on to Akhaltsikhe. However, in the case of serious health problems locals prefer to go to Armenia, where not far from the border there functions an Italian hospital known for high standards of service.

Neither in Akhalkalaki, nor in Akhaltsikhe are there many opportunities for the leisure activities for the young people. There are no cinemas, no computer or internet access, very few sports facilities, next to no libraries. As a result, increased delinquency is observed.

Civil society is only starting to develop, mostly with the assistance of the international organisations. It is not evenly developing. In Akhaltsikhe NGO community, as well as independent media, are much more numerous and active. This is due to more openness and better communications, but also partly linked to the the existence of the university (the TSU branch) which serves as a crystallisation centre for many civil initiatives, also attractive active, educated young people. In Akhalkalaki, possibly because of the location of the Russian base, international effort was much more limited than even in neighbouring and much smaller Ninotsminda. Now, however, the situation is developing. Another positive factor is the opening in Akhalkalaki of the affiliated branch of the university in Akhaltsikhe.

3.7.Trust and citizenship

Many issues related to poor governance have deep roots in general mistrust (mutual) between different layers and segments of the society, partly based in the legacy of the Soviet past or first post-independence years of total chaos, but further strengthened by malfunction and corruption in the system. There is great suspicion toward central authorities in Tbilisi, especially among minority groups, and fear of the uncertain future. In their turn, authorities have no trust of the population in general and the minorities in particular, ready to see a plot behind every problem, and hence blaming the population or external forces for every policy failures. Fortunately, the Armenian minority in Akhalkalaki would not see nationalist conspiracy as a cause of every government failure, understanding their generic reasons, but this may change with some populist manipulation and become a real threat. At the same time, there is very weak feeling of belonging and citizenship among the population whose ethnic identity is stronger, especially among the Armenian minority of Akhalkalaki.

3.8.Civil society and civil culture

Development of the civil society is crucial for the region. However, as yet non-government sector is weak institutionally, financially and quantitatively. It is almost fully dependent on external financing, while local sources of financing are practically non-existent. The situation is especially difficult in Akhalkalaki district, where NGOs is by far more underdeveloped than even in the neighbouring Ninotsminda. Lack of political participation is also a problem there, partly related inability to register ethnically-based political parties such as Virk. The feeling of citizenship among minorities is virtually non-existent.

The role of communities and self-governance is also progressively increasing, with some international organisations actively supporting this process. However, their institutional development too, notwithstanding high significance is still rudimentary.

One of the biggest problems is existence of cultural stereotypes, which makes the society inert and impedes establishment of the system of values oriented on civic responsibility, democracy and free market. For instance, gender inequality and social passivity of women, migration misbalance, requirements of labour market and devastation of social infrastructure raised the issue of changing traditional gender roles. Another issue of great importance is lack of attention to youth-related issues, amid growing juvenile delinquency, trafficking and

4.Conclusions

Future of the region depends primarily on the initiative of the population itself, but external interventions and policies can do a lot in promoting development, stability and democracy in Samtskhe-Javakheti. With the growing interest toward the development of the region both within the country and internationally, it is important to reflect on elaborating a clear-cut list of strategic priorities for intervention, understand the feasibility of planned initiatives and compare to other policy options. Also, as much of support is coming from international sources, these should be translated into universally accepted and comprehensible objectives and goals.

· Overcoming isolation - achieving social, communicational, economic and political integration of all parts of the region into the Georgian society and state

· Creating conditions for every ethno-cultural group living in the region to preserve its identity, language and culture, as well as to preserve links with related groups

· Providing conditions for implementation of justice both toward the deported and repressed groups of the population (Moslem Meskhetians) and the current residents of the region

The activities of the Centre for Social Partnership are aimed to tackle the outlined problems.

5.The centre for Social Partnership

In order to prevent ethnic conflict and promote a happy co-existence of different Ethnic groups in Georgia and promote regional development, there is an urgent need in overcoming the isolation, in sharing the concerns and hopes, inspirations and life of the rest of population of Georgia. Just living next to Georgian community without appropriate policy and the goal directed actions of the government did not result in integration of ethnic minorities. Clash of interests of states at the border zone creates a serious threat of igniting interethnic conflict. The sole instrument to prevent such possible development is bringing close to each other Georgian, Armenian and Moslem Meskhetian communities, fostering feeling of citizenship and building cooperation. Next to the existence of state policy the instruments for the realization of such a policy is needed. The Centre for Social Partnership is intended to be one of such instruments.

The center is conceived as the meeting place for different cultures. It is intended to be opened in Javakheti and in Tbilisi. The courses offered at the center, round tables, discussion, video, audio and printed material of informational character, will all serve the aim of increasing cross-cultural understanding:

· Courses. The center will offer courses of Georgian language. The courses in law, human rights, healthy life-style will also function.

· Consultations. The center will offer legal assistance through consultations, publication of main laws and regulations and their interpretations in Armenian and Azeri languages.

· Resources. Resource center will provide the information on Georgia, its history, geography, culture and laws as well as the information on culture, history and present day of Armenia and Turkey.

· Meetings. The center will become a meeting place for representatives of different cultures. Round tables and discussions will be held for expressing the positions and gaining understanding in the views of representatives of Georgian, Moslem Meskhetian and Armenian communities. The information about the history of the region, deportation of Moslem Meskhetians, their life in deportation and afterwards will be presented. Eventually the meetings of local population with Moslem Meskhetians will be organized.