THE POLITICS OF GENDER AND DECENTRALIZATION IN
Introduction
Based on Law
22/1999 on local government and decentralization, greater autonomy in deciding
and conducting the development process should be granted to local governments
in
This paper looks
at gender issues of the implementation of the Law 22/1999 on local government
and decentralization in
This paper argues that decentralization does not work in gender neutral
framework. Process and structures of governance have always been gendered.
Assuming that decentralization work in a gender neutral framework is dangerous
for the realization of gender equity in
Theoretical Overview of Women and Local Government
Feminist politics frequently points out that decentralization will bring politics closer to home while at the same time may help shift the balance between women and men by providing enough power and opportunity conducive for conducting transformation at the local level (Philips 1996;Halford et al 1997;Mauclay 1998; Pringle &Watson 1998; Beal 1997). The assumption of this argument suggests that considering the relevance of local government’s functions with women’s roles and needs, women are more likely to engage in politics at the local level, or more likely to concern themselves with the kinds of decision that are made in their local environment. Through their understanding and knowledge on daily neighbourhood affairs, women become effective agents of change in proposing relevant and useful ideas in solving problems at the local level (Beal 1997). On the other hand, the locality and part time characteristic of local government elected offices contribute to the accessibility of these offices to women (Betham 1996). Philips (1996) more specifically describes the affinity of women and local government as
1. Division of function between central and local government in which the functions delegated to the locality have come to overlap quite remarkably with traditional areas of female concern.
2.Additional correlation between women and community action which suggests that local politics is more open to women as activists as well as to women as elected representatives.
Decentralisation as the transfer of power from the central government to local government may provides more space and opportunities for women to represent their needs and interests than central government. ‘The local arena is a hybrid one, poised between community and the state, private and public, the household and the town hall, and thus offers a cross-over space for women just as the process of decentralization is throwing up hybrid agencies and social actors, blurring boundaries between private and public sector, elected and non-elected bodies’ (Mauclay 1998:105). Local government elected offices are more accessible to women because of their locality and part time characteristic (Betham 1996).
The degree of
the achievement of decentralization in empowering women, however, is influenced
by the
political environment of the country and the interaction among various actors
at the local level. The experiences from several countries in
On the other hand, the threat of locality towards women life cannot be ignored in discussing the affinity between women and Local Government. The local communities are not always democratic in which they frequently resist changes. Local structures are less amenable to change than are higher levels of political organisationz (Teune 1995;Philips 1996; Haddenias & Ugla 1996). Local communities frequently resist or subvert changes brought about by national governments and international especially when they consider the changes as threatening to the traditional norms and structures that have served their interest. At this point, the locality of Local Government may obstruct the attempt in reversing pattern of women subordination at the local level. Along with the increasing competition over power and resources, the devolution of power to local authorities may marginalize women through the domination of the stronger groups over local power and resources (Byrne & Laier 1996).
Participation as the major promise of
Local Government is another vexedly debated area of
the magnitude of Local Government in improving women’s condition. Feminist perspective rejects the concept of
women’s participation in Local Government as deriving from the similarity of
Local Government’s function with women traditional areas. As Philips (1996:112)
argues ‘…greater accessibility for women participation may also taken as
homeliness or subordination of women’. Women’s political activities which
evolved around consumption issues devaluate women’s role in local government
since it strengthen the dichotomy of public and private. Moreover, as feminists who opposed
gender-specific statutes also noted, various protections and representation of
women through one set of isolated weak structures which focus only on women’s
issues made women more expensive, and often protected them out of any jobs desireable to male competitors, thus, creates incentives
for covert discrimination (Rhode 1998; Mills & Tancred
1992).
The exploration towards the organizational forms, culture and social relations of Local Government is crucial in examining the performance of Local Government in equalizing gender relations at the local level. The postmodern approach views organization as the locus where the differences between masculinities and feminities generate feminine subordination (Crompton & Feuvre 1992; Ramsay & Parker 1992]. Through the gendered nature of organizations, women experience a double oppression in which as subordinates they are subject to bureaucratic regulation of their behavior, and as women they are excluded as equal organizational participants by patriarchal structures and processes. Criticizing the inadequacy of representation in explaining women’s reality and struggle at the local level, Grant & Tancred (1992) argued for the ‘dual unequal representation’ as more capable in explaining the persistent gender subordination in organization. Dual unequal representation views gender inequality in state’s bureaucracy is ensured both through the relatively powerless position of the units that allegedly represent women’s issues and through the relatively positions of women who serve in other branches and departments of state. Thus special measures are needed in favor of the groups that suffer discriminatory treatment. Without them, women will persistently marginalized de facto because they will lack of autonomy and voice (Weekes-Vagliani 1995).
The gendered dynamics of Local Government structures and cultures contributed to the difficulties in implementing positive changes for women (Greed 1992; Halford 1992; Staudt 1998). In his study, Little (1994) finds local government’s ignorance towards women’s needs and also the existence of hostility towards women’s initiatives. Based on organization culture approach, Halford (1992) points out two general processes of organizational resistance of local government to change :
1. Empire building which means competition between departments. It was widely cited as a major problem for the women’s initiatives This may have multiple causes in the context of limited funding, competition arises for resources; career strategies of managers within particular departments. Building up the size and responsibilities of a department increases the opportunities for career development. Through empire building managers increase their power, control and status. Departments are resistant to intervention by the centrally located women’s unit since where an empire is under construction demands from central government that it be built differently are not welcome. The weakening of women’s unit through the empire building process is strengthened by the nature of the non-professional status of women’s officers.
2. Bureaucratic inertia in which organization noted for their security and stability of work functions. Whilst mechanistic personalities may be one explanation for bureaucratic inertia, the widespread gendered attitudes and values in Local Government institutions reinforce organizational inertia.
Women working within bureaucracy use many strategies in their struggle to survive in this gendered environment. They frequently have to choose between the strategy of quitting from bureaucracy, assimilating the caricature, or performing her peers to build legitimacy and gradual acceptance (Staudt 1998). Hester Eisenstein (1989, 1991) identify 3 categories of feminist intervention in bureaucracy:
1. ‘bureaucratic-individual’ intervention where women enter the bureaucracy of state or national government at a policy-making level as self-identified feminist.
2. ‘bureaucratic-structural’ intervention where women create new structures within government or university administrations specifically design to benefit women (such as women’s policy units, women’s studies programmes, or ministries for women affairs.
3. other form of feminist political intervention are ‘legal reform’ through legislative change, ‘political participation in a leadership role’, but in non-feminist political parties or trade unions as a self-proclaimed feminist, and ‘alternative structures’ where feminists create independent organization outside of existing political and administrative structures .
Despite the above pictures of women’s improvement through Local Government’s institutions, other cases in developed and developing countries provide the argument for the existence of feminist case in Local Government (Sun-Uk 1995; Crawley 1996; Rai 1999;Blair 2000). Although in developing countries female representation in local government is still marginal (15 %), yet it is higher than in national politics (2 – 12 %) (Luckham et al 2000). Blair (2000) in his study on six developing countries finds that women’s participation in Local Government has contributed in enhancing women’s representation at the local level. However, this study also contends that this participation does not automatically empowered women nor equalized distribution of benefits. He further on argues that his women’s representation in Local Government is crucial for the betterment of women in the ways that it demonstrates that women can also occupy important political positions and can aspire to public service; increasing representation among women as a marginal group in its attendant leadership experience.
Achieving gender inequality in
representatives has always been a complex and painful process. The high cost
involved in attending election and cultural issues obstruct women performance
in competing in the election. In
Based on their study on several developing countries Byrne and Laier (1996) point a number of factors which explain the marginalisation of women in local government:
1. Isolation and lack of support for women in entering local government. Women are not treated on an equal footing with men, thus, women experience discrimination when entering local government.
2. By entering local government women experience conflict between their domestic obligation and public duties.
3. This conflict contributes to the transformation of women into ‘sociological males’ through divorce, childlessness and other factors which separate them from experiencing gender divisions of labor, and thus women’s practical needs, in the same way as the majority of women they represent.
4. These women are frequently reluctant to raise gender issue because they have to adapt themselves to dominant behavior and priorities.
5. Women who are involved in local government usually come from the middle-class. The rigid political hierarchies require certain skills which poorer women are lack of, thus limit these women’s access to local government. Women in local government protect their interest which resembles the interest of middle-class rather than the interest of poorer women.
6. Lack of experience, equal recognition and support from their male colleagues may constraints the effectiveness of women involved in local government in promoting gender equity.
Therefore the presence of various affirmative actions for women is crucial in increasing women’s participation at the local level. Affirmative action such as the implementation of quota system which aims at increasing women’s representation ratio to a certain level has positively encouraged and increased women’s political participation in Korea (Sun-Uk 1995).The implementation of the National Perspective Plan for Women in India since 1988 which recommend a 30 per cent quota for women not only in the panchayats but also in panchayat leadership, contributes to the greater women’s political participation while at the same time most provides space for women to struggle for their needs (Rai 1999).
Despite critics towards the achievement of Local Government women’s committee, their existence in the midst of the frequent gendered bureaucracy at the local level as mentioned above, may benefit women. The existence of women in public office have both symbolic and practical values ranging from legitimizing women’s voices to becoming role models in inspiring women to engage in local government. Considering the struggle womens’ committee face , Page (1996) more specifically points out that by providing support for women’s demand within the political system, women’s committee has contributed in making women more visible and audible and sometimes even enhances women’s capability in changing decisions. Through this committee, women learnt their way around the system and so are empowered to use the benefit themselves and their groups. By cooperating with women working within local government, women’s advocacy organizations may find access to policy making arenas, thus help to advance women’s political agenda. The ways this cooperation work to pursue women’s interest can be done by directly recruiting organizations leaders into policy network or by forging alliances with relatively powerful and well-organized society wide actors. Women working within local government may also indirectly help to advance women’s interest by providing opportunities and resources to groups and individuals outside of the state to allow them to participate in policy formulation and implementation, and by providing state fund to organizations involved with policies that advances women’s status or by inviting women’s experts, activists, and / or representative from feminist associations into state arenas of policy making’ (Stetson & Mazur 1995:276). Local Government Women’s Committee in developed European countries, which is defined by their policy and action rather than their form, benefit women by promoting equality, by trying to change policy and by endeavouring to shift public resources ( Edwards 1996).
Emphasizing on the role of political parties as key interlucors between civil society and the state Macaulay (1998) argues for the potentials of local government in empowering women. ‘The local arena is a hybrid one, poised between community and state, private and public, the household and the town hall, and thus offers a cross-over space for women just as the process of decentralization is throwing up hybrid agencies and social actors, blurring boundaries between private and public sector, elected and non-elected bodies’ (Mauclay 1998:92). Thus, local arena provides a breaking point for women empowerment.
Decentralization may be conducive for participation as a general condition for participation, yet it is not enough. Decentralization trend in Philippine, for example, has increased popular participation (the strengthening of civil society) but has been less encouraging to the achievement of women in which the local elective positions consists of only 10%. Women are more actively involved in advocacy groups focusing on equalizing women as stated by law (Rosario 1997:83-86). Decentralization must be accompanied by conditions that are characteristics of participatory approaches, such as the building up of confidence among the various actors through dialogue and responsiveness, and readiness to share power and to combine local resources with administrative resources and procedures (Schneider &Libercier 1995:12).
Therefore, 3 elements should exist for political politics to be empowering to women individually and collectively:
1. The mediating role played by the political parties, and encompasses their history, organizational culture, ideological orientation, relationships with grassroots membership and activists, social composition of membership and elite, relationship to the central government and attitude to local/municipal government.
2. The availability of constitutional and legal instruments such as municipal constitution, or master plan, which can define the powers and status of consultative groups in civil society. Institutional arrangements may be limiting, for example electoral regimes, or empowering, for example a federal system.
3. The socio-political context, including formal relations between the tiers of government, and between members of the political class at each level. This extends to a consideration of degrees of centralism, or regionalism, and national political cultures, such as corporatism (Macaulay 1998:105).
Thus, there is a feminist case for Local Government. Post-structural approach towards state and power will enable us in viewing Local Government as a locus of struggle for women at the local level in redefining political agendas of development. At this point, a consciously political approach which views local government as a site of political actions with the state at the local level rather than technocratic, bureaucratic, managerial or welfarist approach which strategically placed conduits of welfare policy aimed at family and community is more beneficial in approaching local government (Mauclay 1998:105). As Philips (1996:128) succinctly argues ‘for any politics that seeks to subverts existing agendas will get its first breaks at the local level’. The above discussion also suggests that the increase of women’s participation in terms of their contribution to community development does not automatically lead to the empowerment of women. Gendered structures, institutions and processes at the state, government, community and household level are important factors that influence women’s capability in determining local agenda through their involvement in development planning.
Women in
Pembangunan or
development became a powerful rethoric during the New
Order regime in
However, based on a recent study by BAPPENAS/UNICEF, the UNDP (2001) also pointed out the existence of paternalistic culture, which considers men as the primary decision makers, both in the society and within government institutions, thus contributing to the continuing lack of political will to implement gender sensitive issues.
The rights of
women in
Indonesian development policy has also incorporated and recognized the role of women in development. Since the 1970s the GBHN (Broad Outline of State’s Policy) as the basic reference point in conducting planning and development in Indonesia has recognized the importance of women’s role in development as wives and mothers by focusing on women’s reproductive and income earning role in the family. The regime also officially described women’s role through the Panca Dharma (by Ministry of Interior 1978) as (1) supporting her husband’s career and duties;(2) procreating for the nation; (3)caring for and rearing the children; (4) being a good housekeeper; (5) being a guardian of the community (Sunindyo 1996).
Kodrat and martabat (natural
talents and proclivities), peran ganda (women’s dual role), mitra sejajar (harmonious gender partnership) were buzzwords in the New Order’s
development policies in its claim that women and men had had equal
opportunities in development in
Despite the
changing Indonesian policy development statements, women’s participation in
development was persistently based on their traditional and biological role as
wives and mothers. Women’s dedication as wives and mothers was glorified as an
ideal picture of a ‘good woman’. Study by JICA (1999) on the situation and
position of women in
All these
development guidelines increase women’s responsibilities while neglecting the
facilities women’s need to be able to participate as well as to benefit from
development process equally with men. Women’s increasing role to include
family, community and national development (triple roles) without adequate
supportive facilities means that women’s choice becomes more limited while
their burden increases. In these development guidelines, women’s role in
development was always situated under the term of community and in their relation
with the interest of the community. Through these policies, government has both
reduced its obligation and cost in servicing individual women while at the same
time created women’s subordination since women has to depend on the community (
State Corporatism on Women: Politicizing Gender in the New Order Era
Based on this ideology of Ibuism women’s primary role as mothers is to look after her family, a group, a class, a company or the state, without demanding power or prestige in return (Nieuwenhuis 1987). This ideology implies a clear division of roles based on sex in which “Bapak has the authority and prestige, whereas the Ibu acts” (Nieuwenhuis 1987:44). Suryakusuma (1996:101) calls the New Order’s gender ideology 'State Ibuism' in which women were defined as 'appendages and companions to their husbands, as procreators of the nation, as mothers and educators of children, as housekeepers, and as members of Indonesian society'.
The New Order
regime also used PKK to mobilize rural women as instrument in implementing
development programs. The success of the population policy (Family Planning
Program) in
Up to now the middle class character of PKK has obstructed its capability to reach out for villages women as their targets. The officials of PKK who are mostly middle class women find difficulty in communicating their programmes to women at the grassroot.
Q: What is the problem facing PKK in empowering
women?
A: PKK is aimed at welfare…Family Welfare Empowerment..new paradigm after
the national meeting. It is aimed to empower women to enhance potentials in
themselves, family and environment. We find problem in human resources since we
have to start from the very basic, from families in villages, not in cities
where they already have good intellectuality. We have to use simple language.
Also the people have yet to receive us. Maybe it is our own fault…because they
do not feel the benefit of our activities, especially now everybody have been
busy to fulfill their basic needs although they should know that we try to
improve their economy. They did not understand yet.
Q: What do you think the causes of this
misunderstanding?
R: Communication, may be it’s the language. Previously we
have been top down, so they did not understand. If the programs have been conducted..completed…we do not concern anymore. We now try to be more bottom up (Interview with
Through PKK government attempted to increase women’s productivity as housewives as reflected in its programs which focused more on housewivery such as: cake decorating, sewing, flower arranging, and make up rather than on women as producers. PKK was also considered as creating consumerism among women by selling cosmetics, and cooking utensils to women (Primariantari 1998). Because of these activities, there is a wide spread cynical accusation to PKK as the abbreviation of Perempuan Kurang Kerjaan (women who have no work) (Personal communication). Hence, the structure and programs of PKK reflect both the hegemonic and patriarchal system, obstructing local women’s initiatives while mobilizing rural woman for development projects which frequently do not in accordance with women’s needs. This top down approach, as Wolf (1992:71) has succinctly argued, ‘discourages any active political involvement as well as activities that might evolve in participation of poor women or the creation of self-help group’. A study (Kompas 1999) points out that women who are involved actively in PKK have lower consciousness of the state’s domination and exploitation of women than those outside the PKK.
In 1990s women organizations increasingly challenge the construction of feminity by the New order regime. For example, in 1995 a group of women demonstrate in the Kartini grave demanding the abolition of PKK and Dharma Wanita. They were arrested on charges of acting against the national ideology of Pancasila (Dzuhayatin 2001:262). Obligation put by Dharma Wanita are resented by working women who are its members as increases their burden, thus they start rejecting their bosses’s wives instructions (Sen 1998:43). In the field, I also found not only resentment to PKK and Dharma Wanita among women, but also among male local government officials as illustrated below:
Q:
What do you think about the PKK?
A: Unhealthy system…because she is the wife
of head of local government, she should become the head of PKK,
while she does not know how to deliver speech…I disagree with the structure.
Because she is a wife of head of local government, my wife has to become the
head of both PKK and Dharma Wanita. When will we
meet? I have been busy, and so does she. Sometimes I have to travel, she was
yet to come from the field. I know for sure, that she is not the best among the
other women in the region. Why should she is the one who become the leader?
This is all because of the system. I have asked her, why should you..she answered that it is the
regulation. There was also a case where a wife of head of village had to
organize a celebration of KB (family planning program), while she already has
been very busy with her 7 daughters and 9 boys.
Q: Do you mind if your wife does not have important position in PKK and Dharma Wanita?
A: I will be very happy. I know for sure. My wife told me herself that she was forced to that position. For example, my wife is the head of Cancer Society in Sumut. Why don’t they look for a doctor or from financial aspect a businesswoman?. This is because they perceived my wife as a wife of head of local government, so they choose my wife. In fact this provide an opportunity for KKN (corruption, cronyism,nepotism). I know for sure that my wife is used in the case when they need to raise fund so that they will gain fund. It’s a KKN isn’t it? My wife go to the kadis (head of local government agencies), and because she is my wife the kadis will give her some money while in fact the kadis have also to look for the money. It’s wrong again. Forcing the wives of government’s officials to occupy certain structural position is not a way to empower women.
Q:
Do you think the other officials have similar opinion? Or maybe it is only your
personal opinion?
A:
Oh no…I frequently speak personally to
other officials and they support me. In formal meetings we’ll say that PKK and
Dharma Wanita are good for us, but deep in our hearts
it is not. In a meeting of Bupati (heads of
districts), kepala
desa (heads of villages) and their wives…I have asked the governor how the PKK and Dharma Wanita may become more professional rather than rely merely
on the wives of government officials…Can you imagine if we never have the time
to take care of our children? They will become becak
drivers because nobody take good care of them. The
governor said that he agrees with me, but it is the system (Interview with
a male local government official).
During my
interview with other local government officials I found the similar shared
rejection to the structure of PKK. Through the PKK and Dharma Wanita the state extended its intervention into the family
life, controlling both men and women. In serving the interest of the regime,
women’s role as mothers has to be subsumed under their roles as wives, as their
husbands’ appendages. The patriarchal structure of PKK was not only
subordinated and exploited women but also open way to corruption and nepotism
in
Whilst the
target of PKK is village women, Dharma Wanita was
aimed at civil servants’ wives. The structure of this organisation
mirrors the women's husbands’ ranks in government bureaucracy so that the wives
of the bosses of the civil servant units are the heads of Dharma Wanita. Sen (1998:42) contends that ‘discourses and practices of
New Order policy constructed women as biologically specified reproductive
workers. Given the structures of DharmaWanita and
PKK, women’s only legitimate access to state power was as wives of powerful
male functionaries of the state’. Thus, the new order perceived men as first
class citizen and women as the second who have to depend on men (Anderson
1996:50-51). Women were considered as the appendages of men in fulfilling their
citizenship, thus, they were not full citizens of
PKK and Dharma Wanita are said not to be politically affiliated, yet, they
have been frequently used to gain political support for the regime. The New
Order has changed autonomous women’s organisations
and activities into development programmes which is a
part of New Order politics in mobilising women for
the interests of the regime (Putri 1998; Wieringa 1999). Through the PKK and Dharma Wanita the state extended its intervention into the family
life, controlling both men and women. In serving the interest of the regime,
women’s role as mothers has to be subsumed under their roles as wives, as their
husbands’ appendages. The patriarchal structure of PKK was not only
subordinated and exploited women but also open way to corruption and nepotism
in
Reformation Era
Indonesian
economic growth which has been praised by the World Bank as one of the Asian
economic miracle began to shatter in 1997. Combination of dependency on foreign
loan, macro economic mismanagement, corruption and cronyism and inappropriate
IMF policy lead to the severe economic crisis in
This crisis
has great impact on the deterioration of the quality of women’s life. The gender gap in the
nine-year basic education program, which had been almost eliminated in 1997,
has widened again since 1998 (JICA 1999). UNDP (2001) reports that between 1997 and
1998, the number of women having wages less than the poverty line doubled from
11% to 22%, and across Indonesia in 1998, women's real wages were a third lower
than men's. Thus, women have to work longer hours and doing extra work in order
to fulfill household basic needs (UNDP 2001). The 1997 crisis in
Indonesian women were the first in responding to the impact of the crisis. Initiated by the concern of the soaring prices, and the wide spread social unrest and violence in society, a group of middle class women consist of university lecturers, activists, intellectuals and housewives who called themselves the Suara Ibu Peduli (SIP/Voice of Concerned Mothers) on February 23, 1998, organised a demonstration at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout (Bundaran HI) in central Jakarta, demanding for economic and political reforms. Despite of their peaceful demonstration through praying, singing and reading poets, the government perceived them as both violating public safety and contradicting the procedures, and therefore these women were taken away by the police and brought to court.
SIP also actively involved in the movement towards reformation by distributing and providing meals and medical assistance that they collected from the community to students who demonstrated. Although receiving sympathy from the public, the significance of SIP (Suara Ibu Peduli/ Voice of Concerned Mothers) has been reduced by the media and community to merely women concerned to domestic issues such as prices of milk, rice, and other domestic necessities and regarded as a moral movement rather than a politically motivated movement (Arivia 1998; Suryakusuma 1999).
However, this
women’s movement should be considered as a significant contributor in
Indonesian struggle towards reformation. By conducting demonstration in
strategic public place such as Bundaran HI
despite of the government’s week-long ban on demonstration and other political
activities, which was then followed by demonstrations by other groups of
professionals, civil servants, and then students (Suryakusuma
1999), the SIP has broken the long silence and fear of the society towards the
authoritarian regime. Moreover, through
their activities the SIP also challenged and transformed the established New
Order gender ideology which posited women as merely passive agents in Indonesian
political system as well as recipients and implementer of government’s
policies. Departing from ‘domestic’ issues such as
prices of milk, children welfare, security and nutrition, SIP challenges
government public policy on education, economy, social and health. In
the midst of severe impact of the economic and political crisis on the whole of
the Indonesian society, the issues of prices of milk, children welfare,
nutrition and security, are also politically and strategically central issues
in
‘Public and private spheres are wholly interconnected and that power is exercised by women whose practical and strategic gender interests necessarily merge… to assume that women would enter the “public” political arena, driven by concerns that involved “private” mothering misses the fact that mothering has always been both public and private. While hegemonic interpretations of women’s proper behavior may confine mothering to the domestic realm, there is no guarantee that women themselves see mothering as a solely private activity’.
Women in reformation
Since its independence
The adoption of CEDAW in
Law No.7/1984 on Elimination of any form of violence against women seems to
provide no guarantee for the protection to women in
Despite women’s contribution and participation in reformation, male
domination in Indonesian political system remains intact. Although in this
first free election in
Women are majority in
Table 1: Percentage of representation in public life based on gender
|
Institution/Rank |
Women (%) |
Men (%) |
|
First Echelons |
4.5 |
95.5 |
|
Second Echelons |
3.9 |
96.1 |
|
Third Echelons |
8 |
92 |
|
Journalists |
10.9 |
89.1 |
|
Heads of Villages |
2.3 |
97.7 |
|
Heads of Districts |
1.5 |
98.5 |
|
Governors |
0 |
100 |
|
House of Reps |
9 |
91 |
|
PCA |
9.2 |
90.8 |
|
Supreme Court |
14.8 |
85.2 |
|
Supreme Advisory Board |
4.4 |
95.6 |
Source: BPS 2001, CETRO 2001
In DPR, women’s representation continuously declining from 10.8% (1997-1999 session) to 9% (1999-2004), the lowest since the 1987 election (Sekretariat DPR 2001). This decline is obvious in the table below.
Table 1: Composition in House of
Representatives since 1950 to 2004
|
Period |
Women |
Men |
|
1950 – 1955 |
9 (3.8%) |
236 (96.2% |
|
1955 – 1956 |
17 (6.3%) |
272 (93.7%) |
|
1956 – 1959 |
25 (5.1%) |
488 (94.9%) |
|
1959 – 1971 |
- |
- |
|
1971 – 1977 |
36 (7.8%) |
460 (92.2%) |
|
1977 – 1982 |
29 (6.3%) |
460 (93.7%) |
|
1982 – 1987 |
39 (8.5%) |
460 (91.5%) |
|
1987 - 1992 |
65 (13%) |
500 (87%) |
|
1992 - 1997 |
62 (12.5%) |
500 (87.5%) |
|
1997 - 1999 |
54 (10.8%) |
500 (89.2%) |
|
1999 - 2004 |
46 (9%) |
500 (91%) |
Source :
CETRO 2002
The DPR remains segregated as women representatives mostly involved in VII Commission (on welfare and women empowerment) and VI Commission (religion, education and culture). From the 48 political parties eligible to participate in the 1998 election, only 4 political parties that succeeded to be eligible to compete in the election have women as their leaders: PDI-P (Megawati), Musyawarah Kekeluargaan Gotong Royong, PNI, PKNI.
In enhancing women involvement in formal politics the Indonesian Women Political Caucus and Parliament Women Caucus have demanded a 20-30% quota for women in parliament. While informally political parties such as PPP, Golkar, PDIP, PAN, PKB view that percentage as rational for representing women (Shanti 2001:29), yet when it comes to be formalized in the political party law (UU Partai Politik), government and political parties reject this idea of 30% quota for women in political party at all level, from national to village level, based on argument that it will creates difficulty for political parties due to the lack of supply of women. This rejection while reveals the strong persistent of patriarchal system in the state and political parties, will also contribute to the marginality of women’s representation in public decision making.
The neglect of women in the reformation also evident in the existence of various law that discriminate against women, such as employment, marriage, health, education and tax laws (Menneg PP 2000) which have been kept untouched. Up to now only 2 of all the proposed laws (Rancangan Undang-Undang/ RUUs) which have clause on women have been issued as Laws (Undang-Undang/ UU): Law No.25/2000 on gender budgeting and gender perspective development and Law No.2/2000 on special protection for women as victims of violence (CETRO 2002).
One of the prominent impacts of reformation on women was the issuance of the GBHN 1999-2004 which provides an encouraging development policy aimed to empower women by emphasising the significance of enhancing the quality and independence of women organisations. It also recognises the urgent need to implement national policy and establishing relevant institutions which will struggle for gender equity. These policies cannot respond to the diversity of women’s needs and interests as socially distinct groups in society. This is evident in the decline of Gender Development Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measurement (GEM) respectively from 58.9 (1996) to 55.9 9 (1999) and from 58.8 (1996) to 49.5 (1999), the lowest rank in ASEAN countries (UNDP 2001).
Through the
implementation of the Love the Mother Movement (Gerakan Sayang Ibu/GSI) the
government attempted to decrease the Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) to 225 by
the year 2000. This approach has been
the first national movement in involving men, the society, NGOs and government sectoral institutions to be responsible to reduce maternal
mortality rate. However, Indonesia MMR
remains unchanged at 390 per 100,000 live births since 1994 (UNDP 1999) which
was exceptionally high among the ASEAN countries.
Gender Mainstreaming in
In line with the GBHN
1999 and Law No. 25/2000 on National Development Program (Propenas
2000-2004), gender mainstreaming is one of the strategies in realizing gender
equity in Indonesia. Developing people’s welfare and cultural resilience,
empowering women through policy strategy in the form of gender mainstreaming in
all aspects of development which involve government’s institutions and community
organizations’ is one of development vision of the Propenas.
Concept of Gender Mainstreaming
has been included in Propenas by establishing
institution for gender mainstreaming. As part of gender mainstreaming in
However, the
achievement of gender mainstreaming in
Beside the above
difficulties MNPP face as the national government institution, this problem
becomes more intense regarding the implementation of the Law 22/1999 on
regional autonomy in
Beside
the above difficulties MNPP face as the national government institution, this
problem becomes more intense regarding the implementation of the Law 22/1999 on
regional autonomy in
At the local
level much harsh critic points stated by both women activists and local
government officials were addressed to the MNPP performance. Although with
different interpretation, both local government officials and women
activists/NGOs considered MNPP has been ineffective in fulfilling its mandate.
In an FGD with women activists, NGOs and CBOs on the
management capacity of MNPP, the participants perceived the MNPP as being out
of their reach. The relation of MNPP with women at the local level, at this
point NGOs and PSW/Women Studies Centre, mainly was limited to providing
research fund and attending seminars (NGOs and PSWs).
Information and publication from the MNPP did not reach the women at the local
level. The participants agreed that the
role and benefit of the MNPP is yet to be accrued by local women (belum terasa). Considering gender unawareness of local
government, participants expect MNPP to increase its direct involvement and
influence on local government. In
pointing out the powerlessness of MNPP in dealing with local government as the
source of ineffectiveness of MNPP in empowering women at the local level, one
of the participants argues:
‘MNPP has no influence over the local government. Like a cat with no claws..useless. MNPP is a state minister, not technical..the local government ignores MNPP…So MNPP should have its teeth (power) over local government in order to be able to empower women…Should MNPP intend to reach women at the grassroots then it needs to coordinate with women’s empowerment bureau. MNPP should avoid intermediaries but directly engaged through direct coordination’ (FGD Medan).
On the other hand the problem of the MNPP was considered to lie more on its weakness in strategies and capabilities than in its lack of authority. As a national government institution, the MNPP was considered as has been given enough authority. MNPP direct activities at the local level was perceived as a sign of mistrust to local government and community.
‘There is no reason for MNPP to argue that it does not have authority since it has no department. MNPP is also the President’s assistant. If MNPP can delegate responsibilities and duties to regional planning board (BAPPEDA), why can’t they do the same to national planning board (BAPPENAS)? What for the echelon (rank) II MNPP come directly to the regions to conduct training and seminars? How much fund has been used to fund them? Do not the local government and PSW (Women Studies Centre) have the capacity? Have they ever evaluated the performance of government agencies in gender mainstreaming? Well, it is very important but they never did it. ...We have repeatedly sent the project proposal (DUP) for women empowerment to the national government and PSW, but they did not respond. I have been disappointed with the women empowerment programs’ (Interview with local government official).
Decentralization
One of the
prominent results of reformation in
This new law is intended to increase the capacity of civil society and community participation by strengthening the position of the people’s representation in monitoring and asking for accountability of the executive. The emphasis of the devolution of power is on districts and municipalities which mean that head of districts and municipalities are directly accountable to the local assembly (DPRD) rather than to the Governor (head of province). With the increasing power of the local government which has to be accountable to people’s representatives it is hoped that local governance in Indonesia will be more participatory and will enable local government to act in accordance with the community’s needs and aspirations.
After
decentralization local politics become more crucial in understanding politics
in
Despite its
intention to devolved power to the local governments (executive and DPRD), this
law does not elaborate on devolving power to the community. It lacks of clear
accountability mechanisms for the people to control DPRD and lack of clear
implementing and supporting regulation which creates confusion in the
implementation. No specific provision
for people’s participation and no clear accountability mechanism for members of
the parliament. Based on a recent conference on local government in ANU,
Thus, the stress on strengthening local government and people representation which is stipulated in the new law may be inadequate in strengthening and increasing community participation, let alone in being sensitive to women’s needs and interests and empowering for women. It focuses heavily on devolving power to local authorities and representatives, yet does not mention the devolution of power to the community. This is an important issue if local government is to be accountable to the community.
Moreover this
law still lacks a gender perspective. None of the chapters in UU No.22/1999 recognises the importance of a gender perspective in local
governance. The previous law on local
government was heavily focused on economic growth as the measurement of
achievement in implementing local governments’ programmes.
This emphasis on growth along with gender insensitivity of local government and
its mechanisms has marginalised women and led to the
invisibility of women in local governance in
Based on a
recent conference on local government in ANU,
Gender dimensions of decentralization in
It is
interesting to examine that while women representation at the national level
continuously declining, at the local level it is increasing although remains
marginal. While there is no woman has been elected as governor yet, women
elected as Bupati increased from 2 (1996), 5 (1999)
to 7 (2001). The percentage of women elected as head of village also increase
from 2.0% (1996) to 2.3% (1999) to 3.4% (2001). Women have greater chances to
be elected as head of villages in urban areas (lurah) where they are appointed by government (4.2%) compare to
that of 2.1% in rural areas where people directly elected the kepala desa (Surbakti 2002:211). However, women as representatives at
DPRD I continuously decline from 7% (1996) to less 5.4% (1999) and to less than
2% (2001). Rapid appraisal on decentralisation in
Institutionally,
decentralization brought about positive effect on women in which 30 provinces
in
Radical democracy conceptualised local civil society as ‘a relatively autonomous site of material and symbolic resistance and empowerment’ (Mohan &Stokke 2000:259). However, the threat of locality towards women life cannot be ignored in discussing the achievement of decentralisation. The local communities are not always democratic in which they frequently resist changes. Local structures are more difficult to change than are higher levels of political organisations (Teune 1995; Philips 1996; Haddenias & Ugla 1996). Should the changes threat traditional norms and structures that have served their interests for a long time, local communities will frequently resist or subvert changes brought about by national governments and international. At this point, the locality of local government may obstruct the attempt in reversing pattern of women’s subordination at the local level. Along with the increasing competition over power and resources, the devolution of power to local authorities may marginalised women through the domination of the stronger groups over local power and resources (Byrne & Laier 1996).
Law No.22/1999
which allow for the revitalization of local values and tradition has been
followed by the tendency of the strengthening of local patriarchal values. Many
of the proposed regional regulations (Ranperda) are
aimed at monitoring and restricting women’s movement. For example, UU (Law) Nanggroe Aceh Darusalam
which was legitimated on
Although based on Law 22/1999 Aceh is the only region in Indonesia that can implement the Syariah, recently other regions such as: South Sulawesi, Banten, Tasik Malaya, Pamekasan, Riau, Ternate and Gorontalo are discussing the possibility to issue Perda on Syariah which have been proposed to the Regional House of Representatives (Rahima 29/11/2002). These local governments avoid mentioning the word Syariah in obligating women to wear jilbab but based this obligation on morality and local tradition arguments.
Pressure from certain groups in the society, has discouraged women to go out without wearing the jilbab. In Tasikmalaya, a woman had her hair shaved by the community because she went out unaccompanied by her husband. In Yogya, youth from certain Islamic political parties sweeping women who go out at night. Public hearing and citizens forums are used to urge the implementation of the Syariah.
In many of the Ranperda women are seen as the
source of the problems to the community and regional development that local government
need to regulate women’s activities and determine which sphere women may engage
in. For example: Kabupaten Karimun
(Riau Province) Ranperda on
violation against immoral acts, which regulates women as sexual worker, while not considering the possibility that
some women are forced to work as prostitutes. Interestingly, the revival of
traditional values in regions that apply matrilineal system does not guarantee
that women’s needs and interest will be protected. Ranperda West Sumatra 9/2000 psl
10 (3) states: : ‘Women are prohibited to be outside their homes from 22.00 P.M
until 04.00 A.M except if they are with their husbands and/or doing activities
that are protected by law’ (Kompas 2001). Critics
from women’s organizations have successfully abolished this Ranperda.
However, based on Perda (local government of
Women are
vulnerable to threats from both the society and local government. Despite of
diversity among regions in North Sumatra, there is a striking similarity of
pattern to impede women’s participation in public decision making such as :
women are not invited to BPD (Village Consultative Assembly) election,
sometimes women are invited to elect but not to be elected in BPD, women who
are actively involved in local affairs were threatened by accusing them as
members of Gerwani (members of communist party), as perempuan kurang kerjaan (women who have no work), perempuan usil (women who meddle in other people’s
affairs), perempuan nakal (bad/
immoral women), threatening these women that they will be caught and put to
prison. This situation reveals the legacy of gender ideology produced by the
New Order regime which continues to exist amidst reformation and
decentralization in
.
Conclusion
The role of
state in defining women’s identity and interests is central in explaining the
persistent differentiation between women’s and men’s role in pursuing economic
growth and political interests in
Through their
public activities in demanding and responding for reformation, women in
However,
reformation does not guarantee gender equity. As has been described above, the
percentage of female representatives at the national and local level house of
representative is continuously declining. Lessons from the New Order era
reveals that programs that focus merely on fulfilling women’s practical
interests while repressive towards women’s strategic interests, as in the case
of PKK and KB (family planning) programs, have been detrimental to women’s
empowerment by failing to address the unequal gender relation which is the root
of women subordination. In future government policies and programs on gender
empowerment should include both practical and strategic gender interests and
needs as inseparable components in transforming the long established gendered
ideology. To adjust to the implementation of Law 22/1999 on decentralization in
Many national
documents and mechanisms on gender mainstreaming have been issued and
established. The problems lie more on unawareness and the lack of political
will of government’s officials to implement these strategies and policies. It
is the urgent task of diverse stakeholders in
Decentralisation may in principle bring about some positive
changes for women and open up room for maneuver for women in
Decentralisation has increased popular participation, as in
the emergence of civic forums, but it has been less encouraging to women’s
participation and representation at the local level. While popular
participation is considered as substantive component to the success of the
implementation of decentralization in Indonesia, women’s active participation
as equal citizen of Indonesia is yet to be seen as ‘normal’ and integrated part
of that component. Therefore, affirmative action which aims at increasing
women’s representativeness in formal political
decision making such as reserved seats (quota 30% in BPD) and adoption of a
gender quota in political parties’ lists are urgent in the midst of the strong
patriarchal system. At this point, women’s organizations and civil society in
.
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[1] New
Order refers to a regime in