2.3.
Mechanisms to Establish Parity Democracy in Kazakhstan
As
world practice shows achievement of high political status by women, gaining
political authority by women’s non-governmental organisations in many cases
are determined by dynamic development and activity of civil society as well as
by the openness of political promotion channels. The strategy of this promotion
provides for several stages:
1 stage – political
socialisation, accumulation of initial practical political experience, mastering
traditions and political platform and public image formation;
2 stage – selection of
promising politicians for representative participation on the part of political
movements and organisations;
3 stage – vertical
rotation into the public management bodies (mainly into representative and
executive ones).
Many
obstacles at all the levels of political promotion, which implies not only
structural-institutional ones covering males as well, limit the activity of
women-politicians, but also gender related barriers. This is how the system of
double (and in some cases multiple) limitations on the way of women’s
political carrier is formed.
Women
- parliamentary candidates have to overcome three serious hurdles: to make
personal decision on standing for the elections; be selected by the party; and
be elected by electorate /123/.
1)
Decision to become a deputy candidate is made under the influence of
two factors: personal ambitions and the possibility to be elected. Assessment of
personal chances and the will for victory are determined by a number of
possibilities: the extent to which political environment is friendly towards
this woman and assessment of basic and attracted resources.
The most important factors able to increase the number of women –
potential parliamentary candidates - are women’s movements and women’s NGOs,
participation in which makes it possible to increase political experience in
public presentations and to form electorate’s support and etc.
2)
The process of candidate nomination takes place at the level of
political parties and is characterised by a number of peculiarities in the
sphere of participation and centralisation. On the one hand there is a real good
possibility for population to participate like, for example, in primary
elections in the USA and party members elections in Canada. On the other hand
there are systems, in which party leaders, leaders of the national fractions or
statesmen select candidates (like it is the case with the Liberal Democratic
Party of Japan) and selection procedure is under the close supervision of
fraction leaders. Depending on the procedures used party leaders or a
considerable part of the party performs the role of censors.
Another
issue is the difference between paternalist and bureaucratic systems. In a
bureaucratic system the rules for candidate selection are very much specifies,
standardised, clearly worded and are met by all regardless of political status.
Authority is based on legislative principles. In patronage systems the rules of
selection are not clearly outlined and their observation is not practically
limited. Authority is mainly based on traditions or charisma of the leader
rather than on legal-rational authority.
Different
systems apply their own principles to candidate selection that may yield maximum
benefit and the number of votes for the party. The most valuable feature is the
service record of the party nominee, which influences his rating among
electorate. The history of party participation and activity is important for the
new candidates as well. Reputation that is normally gained through some leading
position or due to the relevant profession could also be a criterion for
selection.
In
case a political party provokes the change of party rules and norms then chances
for women at the stage of election nomination get considerably increased. The
most appropriate for women is the bureaucratic system with clear rules that
guarantees women’s participation /124/.
According
to UN recommendation «critical 30-percent threshold should be considered as a
minimum share of decision-making positions that women can held at the national
level… But this 30-percent threshold can be viewed as a minimum goal but not
as an overall objective. However the achievement of this threshold will boost
the fight for establishing complete equity» /125/.
As
of the middle of 1990s it has become possible to overcome a 30% threshold
(Denmark, Finland, Norway, Seychelles and Sweden). Leaders in the field of
gender policy are Scandinavian countries, in which parties have accepted quota
system that provides for 40-50% of women in party lists. As to the
administrative-managerial level then political representation of women there at
this period is much higher (15 countries) /126/.
Mechanisms
targeted at overcoming 30-percent threshold made it possible for Northern
European countries to come close to sustainable gender balance.
According
to Interparliamentary Union the level of women’s political representation in
the parliaments of Norway and Finland as of June 1, 2001 was 37%, in Sweden –
43% and in Denmark – 37%. Besides that the first in the world history
absolutely balanced (50% - women) cabinet of ministers has been formed in Sweden
/127/.
However
in conditions of the Soviet representation practice a 30% quota for women
involved into management bodies was of a show character in the first place.
Political promotion of women was limited either to the bottom or middle level of
public management and covered mainly administrative-institutional spheres.
Involvement of women into management and decision-making processes within the
Soviet system was traditionally implemented through a limited participation in
executive and judicial bodies whereby only males were engaged in strategic
management of the state.
Gender
policy in conditions of administrative-authoritarian political system implied
quantitative increase of women’s representation (which is in fact an indirect
representation) rather than qualitative improvement and possible future
prospective growth. Inconsistency of legislative and social practice was
determined by discrepancies between legal equity of rights of men and women and
practical equity of possibilities.
At
present the system of quotas is considered as an effective regulator of
political representation but the mechanism of this system is the cause of
considerable political discussion. On the one hand quotas imply quantitative
increase of the number of women in state power bodies and on the other hand –
the mere introduction of these quotas for women is considered as discrimination
against women and an ineffective measure. Previous experience (for example that
of the Soviet Union) proves only qualitative breakthrough of females into
politics. However the level and quality of their political qualification have
not created the basis both for improvement of women’s position in the society
in general or for political promotion of women-politicians themselves.
It
seems that UN recommendations on temporary introduction of quotas are well
grounded and effective but again for a certain period of time. Women-politicians
may enjoy real political importance, status and reputation but only in case
their political socialisation covers all the stages of political activity thus
helping them to form experience, knowledge and practical skills. When not less
than 30% of all the managerial positions in legislative and executive bodies are
held by this category of women only then it will be possible to speak about
relative gender balance, about sustainable and effective gender policy, about
the equity of rights and possibilities (including political ones) and etc.
Desirable
30% should become a multi-step threshold (bottom-upwards) that should be
overcome by women themselves but not a top-downwards decision.
Strictly
speaking the same factors are characteristic for male politicians as well in
transition economies. Male political representation is basically formed at the
expense of lineal rotation. Lack of practical knowledge of the entire spectrum
of political technologies (including election ones), skills of political fight
(both at pre-parliamentary and in-parliamentary stages – competition or
co-operation of parliamentary fractions) makes the performance of the majority
of parliaments ineffective. That is why such notions as «pocket parliament»,
«parliament without rights», «governmental parliament» and etc. came into
being.
The
decision of problems under consideration depends, in the first place, on the
level of the party system development. In terms of gender problem,
“civilised” political parties make it a point to involve women’s
electorate and to reflect its interests in their political platforms when
developing their strategic plans of action. In the countries with a multiparty
system mass activity amongst women is considered to be a special task, for a
party’s victory as well as its defeat depends to a great extent on the support
they get from the women’s electorate.
A
close review of programs of socialists and social democrats, mechanisms they use
to involve women into their political activity, into management structures give
us a vivid example of the fact that during this period parties become very
flexible and tend to change their tactics in relation to women.
In
new conditions many political parties have revised their relations with
women’s electorate because it ensures by fifty per cent successful outcome of
election campaign for them and under certain demographic situation by a larger
degree.
In
1983 Norwegian Labour party adopted the program under which “at least 40% of
both sexes were to be represented in elections and in nominations”.
In
1988 Danish social-democratic party declared:
«Each sex has the right for representation of at least 40% of
social-democrat candidates in local and regional elections». In case there is
not enough number of candidates of each sex then this right is completely
implemented». This rule that was valid for internal party bodies as well was
abated in 1996.
French
Socialist Party has a 20% quota for women in case of party elections and a 30%
quota in case of local elections.
German
Social-democratic party fraction in Bundestag includes only 16% of women and the
party determined the task to increase the quota up to 40%.
Italian
Communist Party consists of women by 38%, and during parliamentary elections of
1987 it came up with the list of their deputy nominees, which included on the
average, 30% of women and in some nominating districts up to 50% of women.
The
New Democratic Party of Canada has for ten years been practising the rule
according to which all the party committees and executive bodies should be
gender balanced both at the national and regional levels. In line with the Party
platform that was adopted in 1991 women have to account for half of the party
leadership. But this situation is to be achieved in a gradual way. This resulted
in profound political and cultural changes: left parties are becoming main
channel through which the interests of women and women themselves enter “big
politics” /128/.
In
1994 Swedish Social-Democratic Party came up with the principle that “every
second nominee in the list should be a woman”.
At
present the majority of political parties consider it to be their priority task
to ensure gender equity.
In
democratic countries the formation of gender politics implies the necessity of
mechanisms targeted at practical gender development restructuring. If in the
majority of countries gender policy and its development provides for women
franchise then creation of favourable conditions and capacity for women’s
suffrage as well as for women’s promotion could be found in a limited number
of countries.
The
example of Norway shows the advantages of clear-cut and precise procedures. The
country also practices private or closed lists of proportional-representative
system. Nomination starts with the party committees in each of the nominating
districts, which come up with a certain number of candidates in the lists.
Committee recommendations are passed over to the district congress, which
gradually approves of the list. Local Party members nominate congress
participants at their local meetings.
Under
such system even prior to quota implementation women have the opportunity to
determine their priorities, based on which they can put forward their political
proposals and demands. Effort mobilisation determines further committee
recommendations, and at a later stages those of congresses as well. In case the
Committee refuses to take into account the requirements put forward, they may
organise women – party members and maximise the participants of the party
meeting dealing with the selection of Congress delegates. This is how the system
guarantees the selection of those candidates that will vote for women. This
procedure is disputable enough but very often the mere threat of mobilisation is
ample enough to make the party meet the requirements of women’s representation
when nominating candidates
3)
Chances to be elected. The votes – is the final barrier on the way
to the parliament. The majority of the election researches in countries with
sustainable democracy state that elective body basically vote for this or that
party rather than for individual candidates. This kind of distribution is
characteristic for electoral systems that make use of closed lists of
proportional representation. In that case there is no reason why electorate
should be viewed as serious opponents of women’s representation.
The
major stage is the nomination by the party. However in a number of countries the
importance of personal voting for the candidates seems to be quite disputable.
Regardless this fact researches say that even in case the attitude of electorate
to a specific candidate does not politically matter much this factor seems to be
very important for the party itself and that it influences the accuracy with
which candidates able to improve chances for election are selected.
Even
in the countries with the practice of vote-taking single mandate districts,
which increase specifically the chances of some political leaders, the
experience of working with the voters supporting women – politicians proved to
be successful.
At
the beginning of 1970s women organised successful campaigns for women’s
political promotion. In 1971 during local elections women’s representation in
some districts went up from 15-20% to prevailing majority, which is the pride of
women’s movement in Norway even now, because it has managed to prove its
political preeminence during general elections.
Thus,
in terms of barrier overcoming the most important stage for women’s political
promotion in the countries with developed democracy is motivating women to stand
for election and to stimulate the party to her further nomination.
Regardless
the measures taken to improve gender policy, representation of women
decision-makers at the national and international levels is still low. This
seems to be true, given the fact that parliamentary corps and more so managerial
staff in many countries are the monopoly of men. For example, according to
statistic data for 1999:
а)
On the average globally representation of women did not surpass 13%, regardless
the fact that women account for the majority of constituency in almost every
country;
b)
Only 10 women were Heads of the State and the Government in Bangladesh, Guyana,
Ireland, Latvia, New Zealand, Panama, San-Marino, Sri Lanka (President and the
Prime-Minister) and Switzerland, which differs from the situation in 1995: ten
women high rank politicians – four Presidents (Iceland, Ireland, Nicaragua,
Sri Lanka), six Prime-Ministers (Bangladesh, Dominica, Norway, Pakistan, Sri
Lanka, Turkey).
One
of the phenomena of the newest political history is the emergence of women’s
political leadership of the highest level in Asian countries, especially in the
south-eastern region (Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia, Philippines, India, Sri Lanka
and etc.). Local promotion of women to the top of the countries with traditional
mentality has to a great extent predetermined the development of global
political processes.
If
we look at the history then we may notice that political ‘star’ of many
women appeared after the tragic death of their spouses or relations, former
politicians (Indira Ghandi, Leader of the Indian National Congress and later on
Indian Prime-Minister, Italian Sonya Ghandi, Leader of the same party; the first
woman – President of the Philippine Karason Akino and ex – Prime-Minister of
Pakistan Benazir Bhutto and etc.).
Besides
that we may find historical examples of the cases when after the end of
political career of husbands – politicians their wives became far more
effective and acknowledged leaders of political parties and movements (for
example, currently 11% of party leaders in the world are women).
Characteristically,
promotion of women – leaders in this region is determined by the traditional
system of tribal relations and clannish links. However practice reveals that
women usually came to power at some turning points of the national history,
including coups and dictatorship overthrows. Nevertheless, many experts
recognise effective governance of the aforementioned women politicians.
The
world history when considering national development reveals that the action
policy of women leaders differed by greater flexibility, mobility and original
approaches. In crisis times women – politicians applied get-tough approaches
that required considerable political confidence and responsibility, which men of
these countries have failed to demonstrate. Decisive political leadership styles
could be found in the history of many countries, including monarchic systems,
when women – leaders have managed not only to localise political instability
and economic crises but to lead their respective counties as far as advanced
international positions.
в)
In total 6777 women used to hold positions in the upper houses or in the senate
while the number of men was 56397; in all the world parliaments men account for
88,3 per cents and women for 11,7 percents;
г)
Women in ministerial offices made up a little more than 7 per cents. It should
be mentioned here that in the majority of cases women – ministers used to be
responsible for social sector, including education, health, culture, youth
policy, family and women’s affairs and etc.
If
to use data for 1995 then «specific weight of women in administrative and
managerial bodies made up 14 per cents, in parliaments - 10 per cents and in the
ministerial office - 6 per cents.
In
developing countries only one in every seven administrative or managerial
positions is occupied by a woman.
In
55 countries of the world women are not to be found in the parliament at all or
they account for less than 5 per cent of seats in it. These countries include
not only very poor countries like Bhutan and Ethiopia but also successful enough
countries like Greece, Kuwait, Ethiopia, Republic of Korea and Singapore /129/.
This
data confirm the fact that women make half of the constituency, the actual
political space is the monopoly of males, for 90% of seats in the parliaments of
the world and 94% in the national governments belong to them. Practice shows
that franchise itself does not guarantee equal political opportunities for
women’s political activity.
Regardless
all the progress in gender potential development the participation of women in
political decision making, in shaping social and economic development course of
their countries is still very limited. Research carried out on the initiative of
Interparliamentary Union for half a century after the end of the Second World
war shows that the number of the sovereign states, in which there is a
parliament (supreme representative body personifying legislative power), has
grown seven times. The proportion of women – parliamentarians for this period
has grown only by four times. If in 1945 women in parliaments of different
countries of the world made up only 3 % then in 1995 women accounted for 11,6 %
in 176 parliaments of the world. Their number among senators was even less and
made up only 9,4 %.
To determine the scope of women’s political participation UN
experts developed an indicator of women empowerment (IWE) reflecting
representation of women in different parliaments, the proportion of them in
administrative and managerial offices, within the structure of economically
active labour force and in the national income. The countries of Northern Europe
- Norway and Sweden are leaders in the field of gender policy, for they
are the countries, in which gender balanced political system is formed allowing
to introduce effective mechanisms of gender policy. In a multiparty system the
movement for the rights of the women enjoys high reputation.
Scandinavian
countries carry out national policy, which includes elimination of gender
misbalance in terms of responsibilities at work and in the family, creation of
necessary conditions and granting ample opportunities in all the public sectors.
Northern-European countries have ensured equal learning opportunities, have
carried out massive educational work to increase political culture of women,
raising their awareness as to the importance of women’s participation in
elections. A real good result of effective interaction between the state and
civil society is overcoming a 30-percent barrier political women’s
representation.
The
reverse effect is observed in the countries, which are carrying out democratic
modernisation. With the collapse of authoritarian regimes a mandatory 30 percent
quota was cancelled, which entailed a sharp decrease of the level of women’s
political representation.
For
the post-Soviet countries, in the opinion of the Russian researcher I.
Sidorskaya, «there are only two of the basic fundamental problems related to
women’s political promotion - prevailing stereotypes of the majority of the
voters and... increased aggressiveness to women - politicians on the part of
their competitors - men » /130/.
This
view is shared by the deputy of the State Duma Ye. Lakhova: «women have no any
access to either of those centres of influence, on which the destiny of the
country depends, or to those financial resources, which ensure promotion and
position within the power bodies ...
The transformation of the constitutional principles and norms into the norms of
daily life is the main precondition for the implementation of women’s movement
basic tasks» /131/.
Among
different reasons of political passivity of women, Russian political scientist
N.Azhigikhina points out the fact that "ideas of the natural woman’s
mission”, so popular nowadays among neoliberals - reformers, are taken as a
convenient screen pretext for wide redistribution of the former public property
in the interests of the rich minority... All the rights are violated in the name
of two things - money and power. This is where one should look for the causes of
radical discrimination of women in the countries with transition economy, for it
is in these countries that the ideas of equality and social guarantees have been
thrown away to the dump of the history » /132/.
The
former Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the 13th convocation
O.Abramova considers that «The various circumstances interfere with political
representation of women». «Among them there is religion, mass mentality, and
traditional stereotypes. However I would like to mention that there is potential
preparedness on the part of society as a whole to allow women in politics. The
Glass ceiling for women’s activism is just the consequence of traditional
distribution of roles in patriarchal societies ».
In
the opinion of S. Buldekpaieva low motivation of women to participate political
activity could be attributed to the fact that women consider the role of the
mother and wife more attractive than that of a politician; women mainly support
the orientation of their husbands at career to the detriment of own professional
growth; women are more limited to their housework, to problems of the family
survival; politics - «a dirty business », and women should not interfere in
it; women have no sufficient resources for waging political campaigns (for
example, elections) and etc.» /133/.
In
on our opinion, basic "hurdles" of women’s political activity,
especially in transition countries are the following:
-
Designing and introduction of political process regulators according to
traditional "«masculine" type of political life imposing male's
norms, values and rules;
-
Immaturity of political culture of society, practical absence of legal
knowledge, including constitutional rights of women’s electorate;
-
Imperfection of party system, absence of mechanisms of effective interaction
between NGOs, including inside women’s NGOs;
-
Lack of special programs on women’s political leadership;
-
Activity orientation of women’s parties, movements and NGOs mostly at
tackling social and economic issues;
-
Prevailing leading strings
mentality and that of infantility in society.
According to
Russian statistics of 2001 there are no women at all in the upper chamber of the
Russian Parliament and in the Federation Council (178 members). Among the
deputies of State Duma women make up only 7,6 % of the total MPs number (in the
former Parliament (1995-1999) women made up 9 %). Within the system of executive
power only one woman is the minister. In the system of a civil service 1,3% of
women occupy high rank managerial posts and 9% - mid level positions. In the
offices of Constitutional, Supreme, and Superior Court of Arbitration of the
Russian Federation only 14 % of women have managerial functions /134/.
In
Ukraine, beginning with 1992, the proportion of political representation of the
Ukrainian women in power bodies started reducing steadily in comparison with 36%
of quota representation of women in the Supreme Soviet of the Republic. Based on
the outcome of elections to Supreme Rada of 1994 there were 12 women - deputies
(or 3,6 % of the total number of deputies), which is by 10 times less than in
the period prior to these elections. As a result of parliamentary elections
(Supreme Rada) of 1998 women made 6,8 % of the total number of the deputies
/135/.
In
the Soviet Byelorussia the cancellation of quota has resulted in the fact that
in the Parliament of the twelfth convocation there were only 13 women (about 3
%). At present there are 5 women (or 4,5 % of the total number of deputies) in
the House of Representatives, 19 in the Council of the Republic (30,1 % from an
aggregate number of the Council). The Council of Ministers includes only one
woman - Minister of Social Security and 10 women –Deputy Ministers... About 20
women’s organisations are visible on political arena of contemporary modern
Byelorussia, which, basically, are focused on social sphere of life and on
rendering assistance to the woman in the implementation of her social roles
/136/. Percentage of women’s participation in various Byelorussia parties
varies from 20 up to 50, but at managerial level women make up 2 to 15 %. After
the referendum of 1996 and changes in the governance the President of the
country has introduced women into the Upper Chamber of quasi-parliament, which
made up about one third of its members, having restored in this way the new
Soviet standard of quota representation of women in various power bodies /137/.
The
results of the carried out research confirm that women’s political
representation depends not so much on the economic development level of the
state, but mainly on the prevailing societal values, norms and traditions that
frequently turn out to be social - political constraints. So, both poor states
(Bhutan and Ethiopia) and countries with significant economic development
(Greece, Kuwait, Republic Korea and Singapore) are among those countries where
the level of women’s representation in the parliament is the least (less than
5 percents.
The
most accessible for the women is the local level of executive power and
according to global statistics, the share of women in local representative
bodies is much higher, than in national parliaments, and makes up about 25
percents in municipalities. However in Kazakhstan local representative power
bodies – Maslikhats have no real authority. The main reason is power
usurpation by executive bodies, illegibility of functions and status of
Maslikhats, formal approval and implementation of local development plans. The
only motivation for the woman to work in Maslikhats is the fact that these
bodies are close to the family and to the direct decision of its problems. This
is so because it is within the terms of reference of Maslikhats to approve of
the plans, programs of economic and social development of the territory, local
budget and reports on their implementation. Besides that they have to consider
reports submitted by the Heads of local executive bodies on issues related by
the law to the Maslikhat competence; to perform other responsibilities in line
with the legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the field of observance of
the rights and lawful interests of the citizens and other questions. Gaining
experience of management at a local level, undoubtedly, is a good school for
women in terms of taking advantage of it at a later stage or at higher level,
when the region or the state serves as a family model.
Proportional
type of electoral system is effective for the increase of women’s
representation, which ensures the regulation of closed lists and coverage of
large size districts.
Historical
experience shows that the most effective is consultative non-confrontation
policy, regulating questions of a political competition and resulting in
productive decision of equity problems. The ХХth century has opened
up a new page in the history of development of civilisations. As a result of
women’s movement effective political activity gender paradigm has become the
new global paradigm, which implies implementation of gender equality and
elimination of gender barriers. Contemporary global order is impossible without
real equal opportunities for women and men. The liquidation of gender disparity
should create stimulating conditions for the development of human potential,
both of men and women.
Social
transformations should be directed making women active participants of the
implementation of economic and political interests, as one-sided development
process inevitably results in new foci of instability and gender conflicts.
Despite
of the measures that Kazakhstan is undertaking in the field of gender policy,
there is a number of factors interfering with the development of political
consciousness, political will culture and women’s representation, which along
with specific features, is characteristic for the majority of the post-Soviet
countries.
It
is possible to group the factors hindering gender equity achievement into some
blocks, according to their direction level:
3.
National – regional – local:
-
availability of sustainable traditional stereotypes as to the role and
the place of a woman in society, including political decision making sphere;
-
poor actualisation and awareness of gender issues that have principal and
social-political and social-economic bases;
-
imperfection of the national policy, methodology and mechanisms of its
implementations;
2.
State – civic:
-
insufficient and that is why ineffective interaction between state
administration bodies, women’s NGOs and other civil society groups (for
example, mass media, trade –unions, professional and business-associations);
-
low efficiency of the
activity of coalitions, mechanisms and groups lobbying women’s interests;
3.
Sector:
-
Lack of gender related legislation;
-
Statistic information shortcomings (national, regional and local);
-
Lack of monitoring of gender indicators on the part of the government;
-
Low status of public state structures, co-ordinating interaction between
state administrative bodies and NGOs as well as those responsible for the
development of actions and mechanisms necessary to ensure gender equity.
Recent
expansion of access to the information on international activity of women has
boosted integration of national women’s movements with the international level
and this resulted in the formation of new forms of regional and subregional
co-operation of the countries, especially those with transition economies.
National and interethnic partnership has got shaped.
However
absence of the well-organised interaction mechanisms has resulted in poor
co-ordination of actions and in the disagreement as to the importance of gender
strategy.
In
connection with this it is necessary to maximise the activity necessary to form
balanced state policy and parity based democracy in Kazakhstan, specifically:
1.
National level:
-
To boost the activity aimed at raising the awareness of gender issues,
which in its tern could reinforce the impact of public opinion on all the levels
of policy development and decision making.
-
To strengthen major directions of national policy, mechanisms of its
implementation, specifically in terms of gender approaches introduction into
contemporary political processes.
2.
State - civic:
-
To form and reinforce mechanisms of co-ordination and interaction between
state administration bodies, HGO and other groups of civil society;
-
To improve potential of different governmental and non-governmental
organisations and civil society institutions responsible for gender equity
achievement;
-
To consider the possibility of projects based on the state social order
for the activity of HGOs and public associations, rendering socially important
services;
-
To increase informational support to women’s NGOs.
3.Sectoral:
-
To develop mechanisms, necessary to improve gender related statistics
with the use of adequate indexes, indicators, rates matching international norms
and standards;
-
To develop indicators of unified gender monitoring system;
-
To develop mechanisms of gender expertise of Kazakhstani legislation and
state programs;
-
To create conditions for promotion and society education as to gender
issues in order to raise the awareness and to lobby women related issues in
society;
-
To include gender issues into educational system at all the levels;
-
To improve legal and financial status of national bodies that co-ordinate
the sphere of gender relations;
-
To introduce permanent system of gender expertise of national
legislation, normative-legal documents and state programs;
-
To carry out analysis of curricular and training materials to exclude
sexist stereotypes;
-
To approve of the draft Law on equal rights and responsibilities (which
is in the Parliament at the moment) and introduce quota system as a temporary
measure for transition society.
Besides
that the necessity of additional measures in the field of gender equity
promotion is confirmed by the survey data. Among basic political women rights
the interviewees pointed out the following: «development of women’s social
movement (53,7% - women, 44,4% - men); wide involvement of women into different
educational programs related to women rights (42 and 27,8); development and
implementation of state programs on the involvement of women into politics (36,4
and 32,9); promotion and sharing successful international experience in the
field of involvement of women into politics (31,2 and 26,5); support to
political initiatives of women’s organisations (26,4 and 26,9); regular
coverage of women’s political participation in mass media (22,7 and 24,8);
functioning of a strong women’s party (22,5 and 23,9); more active
participation of women’s electorate in election campaigns (18,5 and 19,7)»
/138/.
Women’s
movement development, the activity of women’s NGOs in Kazakhstan is at the
initial stage. However it is possible to say even now that the level of their
activity is far beyond the sphere of political marginalization. Though women’s
interests are not considered as priority ones in the field of national policy,
public spirit and etc., nevertheless weaknesses specific for women’s NGOs
reflect general trends of the country political process.
In
the opinion of Kazakhstani political scientist Dosym Satpayev, major problem of
NGOs is in the fact that having gone through the stage of organised formation
and having occupied a certain niche they do no have their own mechanisms that
would help them to declare about their participation in the process of political
decision making. Lack of such participation makes the idea of the “third sector” existence rather doubtful, because it is
impossible to aggregate and to articulate social interests not having mechanisms
of their protection /139/.
The
opinion of the author of this paper is that establishing a dialogue between NGOs
and power social lobbying could become an effective mechanism of interaction. In
other words the “process of targeted leverage upon the institutes of political
power on the part of NGOs and those social organisations, which express social
but not public interests».
In
summer-autumn 2001 the author carried out focus interview with the women –
deputies of the parliament and Mazhilis of the Republic of Kazakhstan
According
to the survey data all those interviewed were unanimous in their recognition of
the multipolarity and vector difference of male and women interests in
Kazakhstani society. What we have in mind here is that hierarchy of interests is
different with men and women. This is confirmed by numerous western and national
research attempts. Men give priority importance to business, trade, finances and
their interests are topped by the national security. With women the hierarchy of
interests is ranked in a different order of sequence, it starts with social
protection of the population (not even with children!), next to it is health
care, children, ecology and peace all over the world.
When
asked about challenges on the way to elective bodies 6 women noted traditional
and social barriers, explaining that the first group is based on the «...stereotype
that the place of woman is her family, which she has to serve. Religious – any
religion of the world leaves secondary role for a woman, the role of a dirty,
sinful thing. Social- cultural – in any on the front page of any newspaper
there are intelligent male faces the faces of men who deal with important
national problems and on the back cover there may be, in the best cases, a woman
with a bunch of flowers and an “empty” expression of the eyes. Moral –
that mother is unworthy one, who leaves her baby and gets involved into
politics. This “cutty” mother or “traditional barrier, where… a man is
the head, he must be, he will be is the reason why men are in the majority in
power bodies».
When
asked the question what gender stereotypes seem to be the biggest challenge for
women’s political goals, women participants of the survey underlined the view
voiced out before on the cultivation of traditional values. Under which a woman
is only a weaker sex but “tied up by different every day problems and affairs.
So the lion share of her time she spends at work, in the office and at home,
running the house. In comparison with men we are busier and are in a
disadvantaged position”. «It is easier for men because many women deal with
these problems unquestioningly, and let the men politicise. Men who would let
their wives go into politics are very few. In order to help a woman it is
necessary to resolve social issues and then there will be more women in
politics”.
One
woman that has successfully gone through the election campaign and became a
member of the Parliament said that the basic gender stereotype is embodied in
“traditions, family, children, husband because a woman is always loaded with
household problems. A husband does not always understand it and helps her. A
woman has to choose between her family, children and carrier”.
Respondents
named “activity and reputation, personal qualities and links; singleness and
efficiency, interest and etc as the main reasons of a woman’s successful
political carrier”. Special importance has been given to the support on the
part of the family (“I have the chance to politicise only due to the support
of my family, husband and children”, other respondents specified that “some
women get involved into politics not because they are concerned about community
problems but in order to be in the power structures”). One woman that has
worked for quite a number of years with executive power bodies before and was
elected a member of the Parliament did not reject the fact of being backed up by
the Akimat, though she called it a “moral” support.
Based
on personal experience many interviewees mentioned lack of adequate
informational support, twin nature of election programs, inadequate preparation,
inconsistency between commitments and ideas put forward and real opportunities
and needs as the most faulty thing in the election platforms. Among the reasons
of inadequate support on the part of mass media women suggested “backroom
instructions”, shortage of financial resources for PR activity and stereotype
nature.
When
asked about any cases of improper behaviour on the part of their political male
competitors the prevailing majority of women answered that that they haven’t
come across any cases of insult in the course of electioneering. One woman
mentioned special role of men in her promotion: “men were more helpful about
crucial things”. It is worth while to quote one notable remark made by her:
“Women are more difficult to contact with than men. You need to understand
what women’s solidarity is all about, you need to articulate it”.
However
a number of women noted unfriendly attitude on the part of their rivals, which
found its expression in captious questions during the meetings with electorate.
Speculations
as to the difference between male and women’s political language seem to be of
interest “little breath catching things, picturesqueness in order this
platform could sound expressive and enjoy trust among electorate. Men speak
simply, effectively and this causes confidence in what they do. Women use more
gorgeous language”. This reflects exactly what foreign experts think, the
conclusions of their research. In their opinion “women use the language of
sympathy. Their communication is characterised by mutuality. Women seek for
confirmation and agreement. Some unpleasant things are not voiced out strait
away. Men are more characterised by one-way communication. Men are more natural
in giving orders, teaching and declaring things than women are. Women use
simpler and more specific language. Men prefer abstractions. Women try to
identify people on whom it will be reflected. Men use objective expressions, do
not to look upon people as individuals. Women use emotional expressions more
often than men and more often in comparison with men appeal to emotions
/140/.
When
asked about the difference between male and women’s leadership style those
asked pointed out to “stability”, “tolerance, restraint, practicality”, “discretion, muliebrity, absolutey women’s intuition,
ability to tackle any problem”.
When
asked to name weaknesses about women - deputy’s behaviour those interviewed
avoided direct answer but mentioned that muliebrity, assessed from different
points of view rather helps the process of election. On top of that former
candidates have pointed out correct behaviour of women - competitors. Though
there were some cases that prove the reverse. Some deputies said that it was
very difficult for them to come to an agreement with women, specifically about
delegating vote to each other, so that at least one of them could win at the
next round.
The
issue as to the necessity and prospects of quota system has been analysed among
other things. As political scientists say women can achieve adequate
representation level in all the legislative bodies, party structures only in
case there are such mechanisms in place (for example, 30% according to
successful experience in the countries of Northern Europe). At present this
question is only under consideration in Kazakhstan and quotas are suggested to
be used as a temporary measure until the time when women’s political
representation becomes high and sustainable. There is no unanimous opinion as to
quotas. Some of those asked have negative attitude to them, viewing quotas as a
discrimination instrument (“quota is insulting for women, there should be
equal terms with men”; “ they could be applied in the way of experiment. If
it were due to quota that I’ve won I would probably feel different, but I have
won the elections and I feel so confident and independent”). When asked where
it would be better to introduce quota respondents answered that it was
reasonable to introduce it for the party lists and for the seats in the
Parliament or into the special Law on Equal Rights and Opportunities.
However
women’s participants of the survey have failed to come up with any specific
measures that could improve the situation referring to generalised approaches in
the field of gender politics. As to the question of electoral legislation
improvement then the position of former candidates for election demonstrated
very low preparedness.
The
issue as to the prospects of Akim election system for women-politicians was
considered as a way to improve gender problem and those interviewed answered
that it was a necessary measure (“the possibility to elect Akims will help
women in politics as this person, in order to justify electorate expectations,
will undertake measures to improve social status of women, to create favourable
conditions for self-actualisation and for creative potential “development”,
“will help and the reasons to that are different”, “appointment of Akims
by election is necessary because it imposes commitment to implement
one’s word, promise).
In
the opinion of respondents the most successful political career could be
achieved only in case there is an independent political association (“It
should be important and should have real capacity for problem resolution”),
though they were not always supportive of this point of view, considering that
for a woman it would be better to stay with some large political party.
Women
– participants of the survey also have come with the specific recommendations
for the representatives of governmental and non-governmental organisation,
political parties and trade unions to increase the share of women at the
decision making level alongside with “the promotion of women to some
governmental, non-governmental and public structures”, suggested some general
abstract decisions like “they have to be respected and put on the same level
with men”, “we need to hear their ideas”, “ we need to trust women
more”.
A
very important direction in the work of the focus groups was the discussion of
effectiveness of special training for women striving for political activity.
This was unanimously accepted by all the participants of the survey as the most
important instrument in brining up political representation, considering that
among other things (“it is necessary to specially train women – activists
political and electoral leadership. Such training is equally important for both
sexes, but as far as women are concerned they are in need of special preliminary
preparation”, specific, targeted staff work, involvement staff as a reserve,
training, retraining”. “It is necessary to set up a system of
social-political training for women like Soviet party schools”, “women
should be taught ever since young ages only then this process will be more
successful and fruitful”, “it is necessary to introduce a special subject
into the school curriculum for the sake of political career”, “ever since
school students should be taught active civic attitude showing that people can
and must join politics”, "to work with women, to teach them, may be in
some structures, public associations, political parties. Girls should be
prepared for political career since their school, university. Only then they
will be active”. “Education – is a continuous process. Women have to care
of themselves”)
Respondents
think that political recruitment of women should be started and should take
place with the active support of mass media and Maslikhats. In other words
options should be limited to sector level, which in fact, is not important in
terms of improvement of conditions for political promotion of women.
When
speaking about electoral behaviour the participants of the survey noted such
differences between men and women as “emotionality”, “flexibility in
achieving goal”, “more thoughtful and diplomatic approach”, activity, high
responsibility, growing trust in male candidates and critical approach to women
candidates.
The
interview went as far as clarifying the reasons for polling against women –
candidates: “mistrust”, “poor knowledge of women’s
problems”, psychological reasons, “biased attitude”, traditional attitude
(“people are not used to the thought that women are able to do more than men,
this is a thousand year practice in the East and it needs to be changed”,
“because women have got used to the situation when women have no power and the
place of women is in the kitchen and every party should mind its own
business”, (under Communism)” explaining that a “woman – candidate in
contrast to a man – candidate should be ideal”. A man could be forgiven
much: potation, concubines. A woman is not absolved from anything).
Though
this survey has not yielded somewhat special results, different from similar
surveys in other CIS countries, still it makes possible to draw general
conclusion that the way for Kazakhstani women to the level of decision –
making is complex enough and depends upon many external circumstances.
Unfortunately none of the women participating in the survey has mentioned
introduction of changes into electoral system of Kazakhstan as a mechanism to
increase women’s political representation. It seems that this is due to the
lack of knowledge in this field.
None
of the interviewees touched upon the question as to the major types of
representation and their peculiarities. It seems to us that this has been
pointed out before, alongside with other factors suggested by women, which have
certain political experience. The most effective way to decrease gender gaps in
society and to achieve gender balance (or equity) is the system of proportional
representation (or mixed electoral system), since its principles increase
political opportunities of women.
It
is a well-known fact that electoral system in Kazakhstan is based on absolute
majority system (with the possibility of the second ballot round). 67 seats in
the Mazhilis are distributed according to majority system - based on the
majority in a single mandate districts, 10 deputies are elected to the
Parliament out of the party lists. Each voter ballots twice, one for the local
representative and the second time – for the party list. Mazhilis elections
take place on the basis of universal equal and direct suffrage under secret
vote. Maslikhat elections are based on the same principal and deputy term is
limited to four years. Election contribution, according to the election
legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan is equal to hundredfold volume of the
minimum salary. Electoral threshold is determined as 7 percent of the total
number of votes of those that have taken part in the ballot. The term of the
Mazhilis deputies is 5 years, those of Senate – 6 years. According to the
current legislation part of the Senate deputies is to be re-elected every two
years. Basic channels of election to the Senate are local representative bodies,
which is a very common world practice. The formation of the Senate is done by
way of indirect suffrage under secret ballot: two deputies from each oblast,
city of the republican importance and the capital of the Republic. They are
elected at the joint meeting of the deputies of all the representative bodies of
corresponding administrative territories. The President of the Republic of
Kazakhstan appoints seven Senators.
Presumably
such an electoral system is the most effective for the implementation of
social-political priorities of Kazakhstan. However, as it has already been
mentioned there is a disproportional distribution of authority between the
President and executive power on the one hand and representative authority on
the other. At an early stage of independence the necessity to ensure national
security and stability in time of growing political and social-economic
conflicts demanded strong centralised control and get-tough policy. However, at
present mechanisms and factors of political structure, established and fixed by
the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan do not make it possible for the
Parliament, limited in political responsibilities, to gain real political weight
and take a key place within the structure of power interaction. Reinforced
political importance of presidential and executive powers, immaturity of civil
society, dispersed nature of public interests “make him a legislative
department of the Government, whose status is strong enough to authorise
legitimacy of these or those documents”. This fact underlines the “inability
of the Parliament elicit its internal resources out of its status of a supreme
representative body, performing legislative functions as well”/141/.
A
number of experts think that current electoral system in Kazakhstan considerably
limits electoral franchise of the citizen fixed by the Constitution of the RK,
that is why it requires serious reorganisation based on the introduction of
considerable amendments and additions into the current electoral legislation
with the aim to match it with the international democratic and legal norms and
principles. One of the examples of that is an open discussion in the mass media
as to the increase of the number of seats for the deputies elected under party
lists from 10 to 30. It is obvious also, that current electoral system does not
contribute to the increase of women’s representation, because small number of
seats in the Parliament allocated for the parties, limit their opportunities in
terms of entering women into the party lists. Besides that, when considering
election gender aspects one should first of all have in mind provisions of the
Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. In
line with Article 7 of this Convention state parties are committed to provide
women the same rights as the men to participate in political decision making at
all the levels of state power. Article 4 of the Convention clarifies what
measures should be taken in case the country has some problems with the
implementation of the provisions of Article 7 of the Convention. Article 4
recommends to take special temporary measures in case of necessity in order to
facilitate the achievement of actual equality between men and women, which are
not considered to be discriminatory against men in accordance with the
Convention of 1979. Besides that, on top of the Law on Equal Rights and
Opportunities, the principle of gender quotas could be introduced into the new
Law on Elections in the Republic of Kazakhstan, which would ban persons of the
same sex in the party list in the proportion exceeding, for example 60 percent
of the total number of candidates, including those people that have been the
first in the list.
In
2001 Kazakhstani non-governmental organisations with the support of OSCE and
other international organisations developed their amendments into the electoral
legislation and carried out campaigns in all the oblasts of the Republic aimed
to collect signatures for the introduction of these amendments into the
legislation. Introduction of the amendments would ensure fairer and just
elections, the faults of which have been highlighted by the women – deputy
candidates to the Parliament and Maslikhat in 1999.
In
particular it is proposed to introduce twelve amendments that are aimed at the
formation of independent electoral commissions: electoral commissions of all the
levels are formed at the sessions of related Maslikhats at the proposal of
political parties, public associations and local self-governance bodies.
Personnel of executive power bodies shall not be members of electoral
commissions at all the levels; personnel of one organisation or individuals that
are in subordination shall not be appointed members of the electoral commissions
at all the levels. Besides that
amendments deal with the protection of the rights of observers, guarantees of
the rights of electorate and candidates, responsibility for the violation of the
electoral Law and other election related procedures /142/.
World
practice shows that as rule women initiate laws dealing with the interests of
family and women. For example US Congress women on top of many laws in the filed
of health care and education have developed and passed such laws as: “Pure
Congress” (1995), regulating the size of contributions during election
campaigns and prohibiting presents for the members of country political offices;
“Voter’s Choice”, which allows the states to pass over to proportional
electoral system instead of the majoritarian one; “ Opportunities for Small
Business Expansion”, which encourages small business development by way of
providing grants and credits to poor people
and obliging banks and related structures to open up special departments on
small business promotion; “ On
Fair Salary”, which bans discrimination in the field of wages on the bases of
sex, race and origin /143/.
At
the same time Kazakhstani deputies have not undertaken any attempt to initiate
their own draft legislation during the entire period of country independence and
Parliament functioning. It was only recently that deputy group “Otbasy” with
the active support of the National Commission on Family and Women has developed
two bills “On Equal Rights and Opportunities in the Republic of Kazakhstan”
and “On Domestic Violence”. However, consideration and adoption of these
laws are being unjustifiably delayed due to the necessity of social and
international expertise of projects and other reasons. Lack of strong women’s
lobby in the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan does not either improve
the content or to promote these bills in a short time. In our opinion time
requires faster and more decisive actions on the part of deputy groups and
fractions targeted at development of laws in the filed of gender equity and at
their practical implementation. A positive example could be “Cocus Women of
the US Congress” that has been rendering comprehensive support to electoral
initiatives of the USA women’s organisations.
As
it has been mentioned earlier, world practice shows that if more than 10 percent
of seats in the legislative body belong to women the adoption of laws related to
child protection becomes easier and provided that there is 20-30% of women’s
representation in the Parliament there is a possibility of quicker and more
effective implementation of programs reflecting women’s interests.
Considerable
factor of political mobilisation is common identity, common political interests,
political solidarity and in other words – group women’s consciousness.
Voicing out political demands and implementation of unified group actions is a
sufficient basis for effective interest lobbying. Lobbism in this case is an
important instrument of political promotion of women’s political interests.
However
national political practice shows that even those women who are deputies and
have the possibility to lobby women’s interests, nevertheless do not do it,
considering that gender issues belong to social sphere, so they merge them with
motherhood, childhood, health care and education. When asked about
representation of women’s interests in the Parliament the deputies answered
that “women call for more attention to social sphere, to young people
education”, “the documents are accepted as relevant to all the population
categories, but in case of purely women’s issues (maternity care, childhood,
motherhood and etc) obvious women’s lobbying is felt”, “they should not be
purely women’s problems but problems of society on the whole: health care,
education, culture, attitude to culture”.
The
results of a number of surveys show that the activity of women’s organisations
enjoys trust and support on the part of one third of the population. 35% of
women and 24% of men think that in our country women’s NGOs seem to be
promising, among them 5% and 3% correspondingly think that these prospects are
big enough /144/. Interview has confirmed a good level of political influence of
women’s organisations, regardless its multilevel assessment.
When
asked about the consolidation of women’s NGO and its support in women’s
political promotion those interviewed answered that “consolidation is possible
and necessary and it may help women”, “it may contribute to their political
career,” “it is present and it should help us to work persistently”. At
the same time they underlined that “in reality there is no women’s NGO
consolidation in Kazakhstan though some attempts towards consolidation are being
made”, “it is in place to a certain extent, but there is no system. The
policy of the Government towards women is clear, but there is no consolidation
to promote this course”.
In
the opinion of those interviewed basic tasks of women’s movement should be as
follows: to teach women different roles, to involve mass media into the
promotion of women’s activity in different spheres”, “to bring up a
woman’s status, teaching community gender equity”, “union of like-minded
people”, “raising the awareness
of women”, “political education”, “teaching must begin from school,
trying to develop active life position”.
Summarising
it is possible to say that prevailing factors, which determine the possibility
to increase women’s political representation, are:
-
Legislation improvement, development of law with due regard to gender
factor, carrying out gender expertise;
-
Introduction of quota system – in the countries with unstable democracy
it should be a temporary measure ;
-
Shift in electoral system from single mandate majoritary representation
towards proportional one.
The most disputable and complex issue,
as it has already been mentioned, is the introduction of gender quota. “ As
we’ve seen, the experience of former socialist block shows that quotas
resulted in the fact that countries have failed to develop political culture, by
means of which countries integrate into political system. There is a possibility
of facing problems like seeking for adequate number of women that would like to
be elected. Secondly, within the parties it is fraught with the loss of elective
seats by men. However, the advantage of quota system is that it forces bodies
responsible for nomination, especially political parties, to be involved into
the active process of political staff selection. Doing this it also concentrates
on real working conditions and political culture and in this way creates the
possibility to make political participation more attractive for women. However,
quota does not eliminate the necessity to combine work, family responsibilities
and political activity, which is quite a serious problem for women …” /145/.
Hence,
in order to achieve gender equity in politics there is a need in other national
measures, contributing to equal distribution of household responsibilities
between a husband and a wife, to social sphere development, to bringing closer
the salary size of men and women. The experience of Scandinavian countries could
be useful here and Kazakhstani women study it actively enough, though men do not
accept it seriously.
Radical
transformation of political values and interests as well as mentality has taken
place during the period of independence and civil society formation. This is
proved by the outcomes of numerous interviews aimed to study women’s political
activity and mechanisms able to improve women’s political representation in
supreme power bodies and specifically:
-
Women make special contribution into social life and they possess
considerable resource potential to represent gender political interests;
-
Without active political participation of women it is impossible to form
civil society and parity based democracy in Kazakhstan;
-
Protection and lobbying women rights, ensuring equal opportunities,
elimination of discrimination against women are necessary in the interests of
the entire society and the state as a whole, both at present and in future.
Political
participation as a complex of targeted activities undertaken with the aim to
express political solidarity, to influence state policy and promotion of
political leaders – women implies the following:
1.
Development of grass-root community social initiative and consciousness:
-
Personal women’s activity development and organisation;
-
Motivation of parties by women to determine the rules of candidate
selection;
-
Consolidation of women’s movement as well as reinforcement of
interaction between successful and inexperienced women-politicians;
-
Brining up professional-political level of women, which have to master
electoral technologies in order to be able to hold election campaigns with
electoral resources;
2.
Raising the awareness as to the peculiarities of electoral systems, raising
opportunities for women as political figures;
-
Proportional systems help to increase women’s representation,
especially with a big party size (big
district size and that of electoral thresholds);
-
Proportional systems are more preferable for a lengthy political fight.
It should
be taken into account that the outcomes of gender political strategy of
expansion women’s representation and establishment of parity based democracy
depend on a complex of measures and change of electoral system is only its
constituent part. Adoption of the
law on equal opportunities and general law development that would ensure the
implementation of women’s rights should become a priority. Considerable
attention should be given to adequate financial support of candidates, the size
of which may go down as a result of electoral law perfection.