1.2. Comparative Analysis of Women’s Electoral Behaviour
in
Democratic and Post-Totalitarian Political Regimes
Distinctive features of women’s electoral political
behaviour are the subject of various studies in the European political science
intended to reveal reasons, indicators and outcome of gender differences and
gaps within the society.
The following three groups of countries can be defined
by reasons and characteristics of gender differences:
-
States, political and public, structures of
which are based on promoting democratic pathways of development of the society.
This group includes the USA, Canada, Nordic countries, and members of the
European Union and Australia. Noteworthy
that the phenomenon of “positive discrimination” in these countries has
manifested in superior conditions for women, representatives of the
African-American race, etc.
-
Post-Soviet countries are split up in blocks as
follows:
-
The Baltic countries, where political and public
development is interrelated with active acquirement of the western lifestyle and
implementation of the western scheme of civilisation (Lithuania, Latvia,
Estonia);
-
Countries acquiring democratic principles of
public development (Russia, Ukraine, Byelorussia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Moldova);
-
The Central Asian region countries (except for
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) where historical and cultural traditions are
associated with clear-cut differentiation of gender roles and designation in the
society (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan);
3. Theocratic
states – countries of Islamic Fundamentalism where public development is
confined to a traditional patriarchal relationship frame (Iran, Iraq, Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait etc);
4.
Countries of the Asian-Pacific region with
predominantly mono-ethnic structure and national cultural features preserved, on
the one hand and the western culture expansion on the other.
The group is comprised of:
-
Japan, Philippine where state policy stipulates
promotion of women’s role in the society, development of feminist movement
etc.;
-
China, Thailand, Malaysia and others, that
follow traditional distribution of gender roles.
In general, manifestation of gender gaps depends on
existing historical and cultural traditions and trends of the modern political
and public development and is exhibited through the below mentioned aspects:
1.
Level of political culture of the society
2.
Adequacy of the established gender sensitive legislative basis;
3.
Principle of parity present in the provision of political, social and
economic opportunities for potential development;
4.
Women representation at the higher levels of state administration;
In our opinion, the most consequential gender studies
on gender differences and gaps were conducted by the US researches - Ronald
Inglehart and Pippa Norris /39/. Data
obtained from the World Values Survey (WVS) that took place in more than 60
countries throughout the world for a fifteen-year period (since the beginning of
80s to the middle of 90s) was taken as essential principles of the study.
This research is notable for collecting information on gender differences
in developed, post-communist and developing countries.
With
regard to this aspect Inglehart outlined back in 1977, that “gender
differences in politics tend to decrease as the society approaches the stage of
high industrial development. In
other words, interpreting data on international models of behaviour reflecting
the ongoing left–wing deviation in women that have been used to be more
conservative compared to men in post-industrial countries, we may draw a
conclusion that women will likely vote for the left-wing parties. The relative female conservatism is likely to disappear in
the future.”/40/
Pippa Norris’s opinion on current examples of gender
differences in Europe may be demonstrated by the following:
“We may assume that during recent years no voting gender differences
were observed in the European countries. Women
and men were similar in their electoral preferences and ideological standings
everywhere. Potential gender gaps
do not exist. However, women and
men have significantly different approaches to a number of issues.
These political differences have not yet transformed into voting
differences, but they may emerge under certain circumstances.” /41/
Study of distinctive features of women’s electorate
is a new field in the national political science.
Election gender analysis within the post-Soviet area was conducted only
in Russia which pertaining to the triumph of “The women of Russia” movement
at the election to the State Duma (1995). In
Kazakhstan the present question remains practically not addressed that is proved
by the absence of gender analysis of the previous Parliament election.
In our opinion, the current situation can be explained by the fact that
women neither as a body of electors nor as delegates are deemed as a subject of
serious study.
Concerning
this matter the American researcher R.Inglehart wrote that “the factor of
gender differences is not considered as seriously as class, region or religious
preferences in electoral behaviour studies; nevertheless, it appear as one of
the factors that affects electoral foundation of the party policy.” /42/
Political gender studies are not only of scientific
interest, but also represent great practical value for they aim to form
political culture of the society.
Moreover, analysis of women’s political involvement as subjects and
objects of the voting process permits to identify: women’s role as of a new
voter; the level of women’s political mobility; and the extent of female
voters’ influence on the outcome of election.
According to the Russian political scientist Nadezhda
Shvedova, gender behavioural features as well as political, ideological and
value criteria of women‘s electorate require the most thorough consideration
because “concrete strategy and tactics of electoral campaigns and technologies
are built upon it.” /43/
In
this aspect gender analysis allows to reveal male and female electoral
behavioural differences and to identify already existing gender gaps in the
society as well.
The term “gender gap” adopted in the feminist
methodology signifies difference between men and women.
Applied to political processes the present concept ascertains significant
behavioural differences of voters with regard to elections, political beliefs,
views, values, political preferences, and membership with different political
parties and voting trends. Gender
gaps have a substantial direct impact not only on election results, but on the
political route of the society.
Gender
differences in political orientation may become apparent in two aspects:
-
as gender differences with regard to political
positions, views and values;
-
as gender role differences;
If gender roles shaped by culture and awareness by
individuals are expectations of certain behaviour imposed on individuals that
affect political positions, views and values; then gender awareness appears to
be the admittance of the fact that individual’s political position is shaped
by a physical fact of belonging to a particular gender.
Assimilated gender roles affect political orientation
and are determined by differences in children’s primary political
socialisation. Corresponding
socialisation agents – parents, teachers, leaders of public and religious
organisations, including mass media influences the process of allocating roles.
Certain positions, views, values and behaviour developed in the future
are formed in accordance with the system of roles that is instilled in early
childhood.
Dynamics of difference growth manifests in the current
legislation and legal regulations focusing, in the first place, on the male
population (status, stereotypes, and behavioural standpoint).
Efforts to eradicate some forms of discrimination undertaken by a number
of states, primarily due to international conventions and the pressure from
local women’s organisations are only at a local level, which is predetermined
by an additional factor of latent forms of discrimination.
Modernisation of public and political systems of
democratic development affects not only transformation of the nature of power,
but also redistribution of administrative authorities among its different
branches, the state and the society, including redistribution between women and
men.
The most frequently employed mechanism of gender
relation democratisation is to increase women’s quota at all levels of power.
For instance, in the Soviet period women’s share in administrative
bodies was 32% on average. Besides,
it was a popular practice to appoint women at secondary positions in
administration (first deputies of leaders).
In the post-Soviet period political appointments of women were primarily
aimed for social sphere where women traditionally represent the majority of
employees.
A good example is appointment of women in Kazakhstan - Minister without
Portfolio - the Head of the National Commission on Family and Women's Affairs;
the Minister of Labour and Social Protection; the Minister of Education.
An illustrative example is representation of women in legislative bodies.
Thus, according to the results of the1999 election in Kazakhstan, share
of women Senators constituted 13.2%, women members of the Majilis- 10.4%. /44/
This ratio is even lower compared to other time periods. The most
illustrative multi-factorial analysis of gender gaps in politics was conducted
in the USA. Results of gender
monitoring which has been going on for over 80 years, confirm the presence of
gender gaps with regard to the level of trust for the authority, party
identification, perception and assessment of the presidential activities
concerning the state policy and ways of solving topical questions of public and
political situation.
Gender gaps are primarily manifested in women’s direct participation in
the voting process: from the presidential elections in 1964 the number of female
voters has been greater than such of male voters. Few millions prevalence of the
female American population explains the predominance of women voters in
elections. This circumstance is an
objective factor that proves influence of the female population on the current
political processes.
According to the current study results, the following gender gaps
regularities were revealed:
1. Women and men differ in their opinions that motivate their choices.
If men prefer a technocratic approach, women, while supporting a number
of political trends, tend to be swayed by humanitarian issues, in particular
related to social help for those in need.
The similar situation is observed in military force control problems:
women support military force control and military programs budget cuts, resist
involvement of military forces in conflict settlement.
Different approaches are also typical for "affirmative action"
and sexual harassment issues.
2. There is a correlation in party identification in gender aspects.
The majority of the female American population supports the Democratic
Party and its leaders, which can be demonstrated by the prevailing number of
female voters at the presidential elections (1992, 1996), that granted the
Democrat Bill Clinton his victory (54% versus 38% for the Republican Doyle) in
1996. /45/
The similar situation was observed at the election of 2000.
Albert Gore, the candidate from the Democratic Party, gained 54% of
female votes versus 42% of male votes, whilst George Bush received 53% of male
votes versus 43% female. Men more
frequently than women tend to associate themselves with the Republican Party.
The necessity of the governmental interference in solving economic and social
problems prevails among women. This explains their preference for the Democratic
Party candidates.
It is noteworthy that the prevalence of female voters has been observed
only starting from the 1984 presidential election. This tendency is due to changes in the social standards of
the electoral law that resulted in a decrease of factors impeding female voting.
The number of female voters depends on a variety of factors related to
candidate’s problems and characters and fluctuates from one election to
another. Currently, gender gaps in
the USA are apparent not only in the voting process but also in party
preferences. /46/
3. Gender gaps are highly apparent in groups of voters with the lowest
and highest education level. If the
first group’s preferences are influenced purely by economic reasons, the
second group’s preferences are linked to the Democratic Party’s principle of
equal opportunities for women and the Government's activities in solving social
problems.
For example, in 1992 economic issues and prosperity of their children
influenced the fundamental expectations of women with secondary education in the
future. Attention of women with
university education, despite the same extent of awareness of economical
situation, was focused more on the President's position towards abortions.
4. Apparently, there is a gender prejudice towards women candidates, even
though not significant. In 1970 13
% of interviewed of both sexes rejected the possibility to support qualified
female-candidates. Regardless of
the fact that this number has dropped to 6% by 1994, the factor of gender
prejudice invariably emerges in all current elections.
However, under certain circumstances women give their voices more to
women, than to men, while the majority of men votes for male-candidates.
In the United States from 1980 to 1990 at the governor's elections
female-candidates of the Democratic Party have attracted female voters (in 16
states out of 19), whilst female-candidates of the Republican Party could win
female voices only in 3 states out of 16. Thus,
the ability of the Democratic Party to attract female-voters has been constantly
growing since 1980. /47/
In 1992 the American National Election Study revealed that 73% of women
and 66% of men believed that both sexes should enjoy equal rights in the field
of administration, business and industry, but as a matter of fact men have more
power. /48/
In our opinion these results convey the following: first, the Americans
are convinced that women are insufficiently represented at governing positions,
suggesting that the number of women should increase. Second, a more significant number of women consider that
women are insufficiently represented in administration, business and economics
and that they are more inclined to give their voices for female -candidates.
Studies revealed differences in a variety of other questions as well,
particularly on the issue of abortion policy efficiency of the federal
government. For example, the same
American National Study in 1992 showed that 42% of women compared to 32% of men
supported increase of state budgeting for education and healthcare; and only 26%
of women compared to 38% of men supported budget cuts in these areas.
Women are more willing to increase funding for student support, homeless
problems, aid to the poor, children care, crime prevention, ecology issues
promotion, social protection and state schools.
Men tend to cut expenses on city prosperity and development programs,
while women were prone to decreasing foreign assistance to developing countries.
Men desired for better funding of science and new technologies. /49/
Obviously, political activities of women expand when their life and
personal well-being are directly affected by political decisions on issues of
state endowment allocation, children education etc. Predominance of domestic and family responsibilities are
accountable for depletion of women's electoral activities.
Personal socio-economic problems mounting in low-paid job conditions
impede women’s political activism.
Women with their own understanding of political involvement developed a
concept on power and politics. One
of the investigations, applying numerous tests, attempted to assess strength and
impact of formal (state, party) and non-formal (public organisations)
structures. The World Study results and investigation conducted in the USA did
not reveal absolute gender differences. Both sexes were more actively involved
when there was the probability of insufficient or excessive authority.
However, study showed that men have more interest in labour market,
foreign policy and international relations issues (they, just like women, had an
interest in family, religion and society issues).
Women had more controversial opinions on the matter of attaining and
practising power. However, women
who work for official bodies of power and have an access to exercising power
appeared to be more content with their status than their male partners.
Women and men are not a homogenous group as confirmed by various studies.
Therefore research works addressing problems of political and ideological
women's orientation are of great interest.
Thus, the American researcher Tolleson-Rinehart underlined that there is
a tendency towards separation of the female population into two groups -
feminists and non-feminists. For
example, the first group actively supports the equal sexes concept in economics
and state administration, believes that women's movements significantly promotes
the status of women. The second
group believes that women should be subordinate to men and should not strive for
equal positions at the decision-making level and ought to oppose the development
of women's movement. /50/
Gender-aware women may have different opinions with regard to solving
women’s questions. For instance,
various women organisations promoting equal opportunities for women in the
society, in business and politics, nevertheless, differ in their political
preferences and opinions on many issues. Group awareness includes social and
group identification, beliefs and interests as components.
The rest of components may be dissatisfaction with a group power compared
to other social groups; acknowledgement of inequality as illegitimacy; such
forms of group awareness among women is referred to as "feminist
awareness". (See also the Gender glossary)
In order to determine political efficiency of behavioural stereotypes in
female groups the American scientists identified the following assessment
indicators of group awareness:
-
Indicators calculated on the basis of sociological
data, including evaluation of women's group involvement and of the level of
support of women's equality.
-
Indicators using corresponding individual assessment
usually applied to women's movement (or feminism) combined with the assessment
of the level of support for equal rights for women.
Let us remind that the direct purpose of the feminist awareness is the
conviction that women and men should enjoy equal rights.
The controversial notion on “domestic” role of women is a core
postulate of the traditional point of view highlighting domestic, men oriented
role of a wife and mother in the patriarchal society.
The traditional point of view dominated in the American society in the
first half of the 20th century. The value scale on women’s role in
the society has been diminished as a result of the cultural revolution in the
second half of the last century.
Despite the
fact that gender awareness assumes identification of women with the rest,
nevertheless, it can not be deemed as an indicator of feminist awareness. Women may draw parallels between themselves and other women,
but at the same time may have totally different opinions on women’s role in
the society. In Margaret Conway’s
opinion “those holding feminist awareness generally realise traditional role
of women in the society and discrimination against women.”/51/
As practice
shows, even small differences between political preferences of women and men as
well as between women themselves, may have an important effect in case when
politicians at a governmental level have similar preferences.
Results of
the survey conducted in the USA revealed that the depth of political preferences
is a relatively significant feature. However,
some individuals who take politics seriously are totally indifferent to the
above-mentioned feature. And the
others, who take politics seriously as well, pay close attention to this
feature. The last group will
probably become involved in politics and will encourage the rest of the
population or politicians to make political decisions.
Unfortunately, absence of political preference studies impedes influence
assessment of political actions.
In order to
measure level of women’s involvement in election campaigns the American
researches conducted comparative analysis of women’s political activity in
election campaign in different aspects: working for a candidate or a political
party; financial contributions; visiting election meetings and debates;
forecasting election results; bearing of signs and symbols displaying personal
choice.
Results of
the numerous US studies showed the constant tendency within electorate towards
gender distinction. The previous
historically shaped behavioural model with high level of male attendance has
dramatically changed which is confirmed by the following:
1.
Women’s voting rate has ra ised after 1960s.
Beforehand women voted less than men and mostly were involved in
organisational and administrative activities.
However, only women with university education attended city meetings and
contacted local authorities. As
early as in 1976 educated women participated in politics equally with secondary
educated men. In 1994 the number of female signatures in petitions
prevailed significantly over male signatures.
That year women were more active in attending political meetings and
debates than men were and many of them became members of legal associations
founded by the Congress members or local council members.
2.
Starting from 1980 organisations that encourage women
to vote have strengthened their efforts. A
special attention is paid to support women-candidates.
Such organisations focus on the House of Representatives and the Senate
candidates as well as on candidates to local state administration.
The most well known organisations are Emily’s List that provides
support to democratic candidates and WISH List that sustain republican
candidates.
3.
Within the last years of the 20th century a
number of trade union committees expanded (for example, political actions
committee (PAC) is a part of American Association of Nurses).
In 1992 year 29 out of 45 registered supported female candidates to the
federal organs of administration. In
1996 – 55 committees either solely provided support or did fund raising
predominantly in a form of contributions from women.
In four years they have multiplied the funding by more than 10 times for
female-candidates which is proved by the fund’s amount of money – 11,5
million. Dollars in 1998 versus 1,1 million. Dollars in 1992.
Besides financial support to female-candidates has increased on a
national, regional and local level.
Women’s activities on a local level are immensely important, because
they are considered as a stating level for developing leadership and
communicative skills each politician needs to have. Moreover, these activities may foster perception of political
information and establishment of connections with public leaders.
4. Gender differences may also
evince in making preferences for an organisation. The study of 1986 revealed
that men are more prone to participate in trade unions, sports clubs, farmers’
and professional associations. Women’s
preferences were with youth, religious, educational or academic organisations.
Men were more active while encouraging to vote for one or another
candidate, raising money for election campaigns, attending political meetings or
chairing political and state institutions.
Men also spent more time discussing political issues with friends,
colleagues, public leaders and office managers.
The political involvement study from the 1990 National survey auxiliary
evidenced the lower political activity of women compared to men.
Women were less eager to work in political campaigns, to participate in
non-formal public associations, to get in touch with state civil servants, were
less frequently members of political parties /52/.
A number of
other studies were focusing on analysis of political participation influenced by
factors like: social status of the individual; resources availability (financial
or human), for example, for election campaigns; motivation to take part;
legislative regulations; political environment.
The above
mentioned factors under certain circumstances may impede or facilitate political
involvement of an individual. For
instance, social status features (level of education, life experience, age etc.)
constitute the first group of factors. Morale
imperative that enhances political efficiency, election pledges to candidates or
political parties, participation in the process of political problems settlement
may stimulate social and political involvement.
Candidates’ personal activities, political parties and action of public
movements may promote individual motivation. Voting enrolment may increase or
decrease depending on such requirements and administrative processes as
registration procedure. Political
environment also has its influence on level of participation. For example, some
local political groups encourage their women to vote, while others on the
contrary oppose women in this aspect.
Political behaviour is seriously affected in both traditional and modern
models by factors like: level of education, age, type of employment,
reproductive features (highly illustrative especially in women), time factor.
1.
Level of education. It has been proved that
with the better level of education society receives more profound perception of
political processes and their impact on life.
Educated people are convinced that their political activities may
eventually lead to actual changes in politics.
This factor may play a stimulating role and encourage more active voting.
Education allows for an ample opportunity to analyse information on
political course and on possible resonance of civil interests.
Moreover, better-educated individuals are more successful in overcoming
bureaucratic barriers that became an inevitable part of the registration (even
though a special law “voting promotion” was passed in 1995). Citizens with university education, as a rule, have more
interest in politics and are more competent in using published production on
state actions and political activities.
2.
Age. Gender
differences in age structure can be exemplified by voting results of the 1992
presidential elections. Clearly the
highest ratio of women voters was observe in the group of women aged less than
54 years old compared to men of the same age.
In the group aged older than 55 years the scales were leaning towards the
opposite direction due to male prevalence in number of people.
3.
Type of employment. Researchers emphasised that in socio-professional aspect employed women
are more involved in politics than unemployed. The present distribution is due
to the fact that economically active women have more opportunities to analyse
state policy and what is more, they are exposed to politics-oriented influence
of their colleagues. An important
fact to consider is that working women possess non-formal experience from
contacting government and local authorities demanding to eradicate
discrimination in education, employment, professional training and in career
opportunities.
Regardless of gender
gaps revealed women are more active voters.
However, practice shows that women’s participation in campaigns and in
some types of political actions such as co-operation with public high officials
is significantly lower than in men. An
obligation to political party or desire for its candidate to win may serve as a
motivating factor for involvement in politics.
Party identification is a key factor in this matter.
Those identifying themselves as party members appear to be more active as
election participants and voters. Women
in this aspect act similarly, but tend to identify themselves with the
Democratic Party. Political participation is a subject influenced by political
positions and beliefs. Those who
are convinced are more efficient. Government sympathetic to its voters is a key
factor to increase number of voters and campaign participants.
Frequently competency of political leaders
depends on ability to carefully listen to comrade’s opinions.
Before 1992 women were highly reluctant to join political parties
convinced that women issued will not be addressed by the party policy.
4.
Reproductive features. Resources and
participation opportunities also depend on social prerequisites. Noteworthy, that the number of children in the family does
not affect men’s voting results. On
the contrary, women become less active voters as the number of children in the
family grows. In 1992 the highest
participation rate was noticed in a group comprised of women without children
(80%); women with one child constituted 76%, women with two children – 73%
accordingly, women with three children 71%, women with four and more children
– 57%.
5.
Time factor.
This factor directly correlates with the previous, because housework
consumes a great deal of women’s time that lack means facilitating
participation process (for example, time, money, skills etc.).
Women often occupy positions that do not provide adequate conditions for
attaining political skills. Besides,
women’s income rates are lower which is proved by the family budget structure.
An alternative
opportunity to participate in politics is to get involved in public organisation
activities through which women are able to gain political experience and to
build up political culture skills. Analysis of public organisation’s activities in
different political systems revealed that in developed countries feministic
organisations are the most popular and well known.
However, in Kazakhstan women prefer to adhere to socially oriented
organisations (for example, the Association of Single Mothers, the Association
of Parents of Disabled Children, the Association of Diabetics etc.).
In our opinion, this is a compelling evidence that socio-economical
problems are given the top priority which is inevitable in order to be able to
move on to the next step of political rights and freedoms.
Women’s political
participation is a manifestation of their political awareness.
For example, in the USA during voting or other forms of political actions
feministic awareness shows apparent differences between feminists and
non-feminists. Feminists and potential feminists show the larger amount of
voters compared to non-feminists. Women
who identify themselves as feminists were more eager to work in election
campaigns. Feministic relationships
and trust for political system often differ from those in non-feminists. /54/
Despite the fact that women are more active
voters, they are much harder to enlist in political campaigns and even involved
women have a scope of responsibilities which is narrower than such of men.
Women as a rule, may claim only one resources – education which in due
course fosters political activities. Due
to lack of resources required women are unable to take part in election battle
for high positions within political elite.
Usually they cannot boast high personal income, do not take positions
powerful enough to influence further promotion, lack appropriate political
experience that would provide confidence in political achievements.
Currently the majority of the female American
population believes that women should enjoy equal role with men in business, in
the government and in state administration.
More females now have a positive judgement of women’s movement and
identify themselves with other females, even though not all of them have a
positive opinion on feminism.
The number of women in
bodies of state administration is one of the indicators of societal development.
In the first half of the last century this factor reflected the general
tendencies of traditionalism in this issue. However, in mid-60s to change this
situation women established non-governmental public organisations, factions and
interest groups. The most famous of
those are the National Women’s Organisation, the National Women’s Political
Union, Emily List, the League of Women Electorate and the Women’s Faction (the
so called Caucus) in the Congress that deals with increasing the effectiveness
of lobbying women’s issues, encouraging women to actively participate in the
elections, both as the electorate and the political candidates.
Such organisations were established at all levels of the Government, in
all institutions of decision – making pertaining to women’s issues.
Because of those actions, women politicians started playing a more
visible role in the society, the number of women appointed and the number of
women winners in different bodies of power have increased.
Finally, women became entrusted with responsibilities in different
political organisations of all three branches of power.
As a result, in the period from 1974 until 1990, the number of women in
elected bodies increased in state legislatures by 300%, in state bodies by 50%,
and in the US Congress by 60% /55/.
In order to attract more women in elected bodies of power and to assess
the level of women politicians winning elections, the National Women’s
Political Union conducted an independent study based on the elections held in
the period from 1972 until 1992. The
results of this study were unexpected even by experienced politicians since they
differ dramatically from the general perception that women rarely win elections.
However, the conclusion of the survey was that if women do run for elections,
they win just as much as men do. In
the elections to the House of Representatives of the US States 95% of women out
of the total number of women running for elections won, and similarly men won in
94% of cases. In the elections for the Senate, 91% of women and 92% of men won.
The elections in the US House of Representatives were won by 95% of women
in comparison to 95% of men. The
number of women running for the Senate and the Government was very low - 53 and
33, accordingly. However, it was
evident that women were just as successful in these elections as men were. /56/
The analysis of the elections of 1999 in Russia and the Ukraine indicated
that there are no serious differences in the possibility to be elected for men
and women. /57/
The overall conclusion
of this study was that the reason why there are not enough women in elected
bodies of power is not because they lose the elections, but because only few
women decide to run for elections.
In the last decade of
the XX century the increasing number of the American women participated in the
election campaigns, running for responsible posts in the state.
In 1996 the record number of women were elected to the US Congress for
the whole history of the country - 60 (11.2% of the total number of seats),
including 9 in the Senate and 51 in the House of Representatives.
The 1998 interim elections did not bring drastic changes: 56 women were
elected to the House of Representatives. These
elections were also record breaking in terms of the number of women running for
political seats (75 candidates from the Democratic Party and 46 from the
Republican Party). However, one of
the problems was the electorate’s behaviour: the number of people attending
elections was no more than 38%. In this light, the significance of female
electorate as a more disciplined and relatively more actively participating in
elections is increasing.
The dynamic growth of
the American women’s movement is accompanied by the active research on gender
issues conducted in that country. For
example, the National Committee on Women’s Life Research unites over 75
research centres that are both science and practice oriented. Based on scientific research, dozens of universities and
research centres on gender issues have developed a number of self-training
manuals on leadership issues.
In the USA a number of
theories exist that explain why women and men electorate behave differently.
Some think that these differences stem from the political differences
that exist between two sexes in the society.
Others note the existence of natural differences in attitudes and moral
values between sexes that can influence the specific differentiating style of
behaviour.
The study conducted
indicates not only a large share of female electorate, but also a high level of
discipline and a sense of responsibility of the American women who consider
participation in election as their civil responsibility. "It is natural
that women’s electorate is not homogenous in its preferences and differs by
political, ideological, party, philosophical, and economic judgements and
preferences that define their voting. However,
there is “something” outside the political, ideological or economic
frameworks. This
“something” is the gender interest, or the interest that objectively depends
on the social-sexual group, regardless of party or ideological belonging.
For example, the abortion issue is considered as an issue of women’s
human rights." /58/
However,
women’s electorate votes in accordance with a combination of different
interests and not only with gender interests.
It is important to identify the level of a gender factor in this
combination of interests. It is
reasonable to suggest that the level of gender component in the voting behaviour
of women’s electorate is defined by the level of subject’s awareness of
common interests, i.e. the awareness that women constitute a large social
demographic group that needs holistic state women’s policy.
This policy is necessary as an independent direction because there is a
group of specific problems related to the status of women in the society at each
historical stage. Here, the role of women’s movement in raising women’s
awareness and “training” women’s electorate is enormous. It is its strength, quality and organisation that
influence the level of gender component in the behaviour of women’s
electorate. /59/
Therefore, the conclusion is evident – in each political culture the
law of relevance of development of women’s movement and the level of gender
component of electorate behaviour is valid.
Taking this into consideration, the characteristic of gender political
culture is the aware correlation of political subjects to this law with its
consequent consideration in conducted political policies and programmes.
To make a conclusion,
we can state that despite the fact that the American women have reached
significant progress during these two decades, their number in higher power
institutions is difficult to consider as equal, which would encourage active
women’s movement in the USA. The reason why political demands on increasing
the number of women in decision-making are based on the belief that the
representative democracy means equal opportunities for participating in politics
of all citizens regardless of their sex. The
parity representation of women is indicative of justice and equality of the
society.
Women politicians serve
as role models for other women, for the youth and children because their example
deconstructs old stereotypes of the role of the sexes in the society.
The presence of women in higher positions of power is not only symbolic
– they introduce their preferences in the policy itself and in the process of
its making. Women legislators, for
example, can influence the process of decision-making through a number of ways,
including influencing the speed of the process, the political results and the
setting of the agenda. The most
significant evidence of women’s representation in legislature is the targeted
activity of women politicians to act on behalf of women’s interests in
promoting legislation that would support gender equality.
Some feminist scholars
prove that there is a natural difference between preferences and moral opinions
of two sexes that can influence the typical behavioural style of individuals
acting as civil servants. Much of
US research indicates that men enter political careers to strike “business
deals”, women, however, enter the game because they “want to help”. It is
difficult not to admit that the “help” motivation is characteristic of
women’s electorate as a whole, because a large number of women running for
politics are ready to support expenses for social programmes which define the
motivation that is the basis for women candidates.
Some American scholars
based on empirical materials prove that among women legislators there is a
tendency that is different from male type of politics because it is less
conservative in comparison to the position of their male colleagues. Others
indicate that the difference in voting by men and women legislators is
reflective of political gender differences that exist within the framework of
the whole society. Many women were
elected as supporters of the feminist movement and therefore they fully support
the egalitarian (equality) policy. /60/
The analysis of the
specifics of the American women’s electorate indicates that today in the USA
the measures towards supporting business activities of women, federal programmes
aimed at interests of working women, family and maternity and childhood have
become a priority area for the internal state policy. This is a result of the
struggle by the American women for their rights. Factors that have influenced
positive changes are the following: mass entering of women the process of public
production; strong women’s movement that had challenged firm stereotypical
perception of a woman, her role and place in the society; developed democratic
traditions that allowed to bring a significant number of women to the
decision-making level, foremost through the election process; development of
international women’s movement that catalysed and supported national women’s
movements. /61/ Intensive
development of gender relations and future mobilisation of the women’s
movement is proved by the public and political events of the 90s when the
overall development that transforms the lifestyle and values of men and women in
developed countries, which lead to changes in party preferences.
To sum up, the results
of the conducted research are the following:
1. It is proved that in
the developed societies in the beginning of the 80s political behaviour and
women’s ideology were more conservative in comparison to those of men.
Traditional gender gaps continued to exist in many developed countries
until end of the 80s, and in many developing countries where women continued to
have more right wing positions than men, such gap tendencies continue to exist
at present.
2. It is found that by
the 90s in many post-industrial states the women’s position changed towards
the left wing, which influenced the establishment of new gender gaps, similar to
those that exist now in the USA. We
should note that this process is far from being unified because it reflects
conditions specific to a concrete country (for example: competition between
parties, political problems that are persistent in the country, the strength of
women’s movement and so forth).
However, by the mid-90s
it was established that women in the societies with well developed democracies
are no more conservative than men are and that they even tend to have left-wing
positions. Modern gender gaps continue to exist even after introduction of a
number of social transformations. However,
the size of gender gaps diminishes only in those cases when culture factors are
taken in to consideration. This
allows us to make a conclusion that current gender gaps are foremost products of
cultural differences between men and women in their values, especially towards
women’s movement, and are not explained by their living standards.
3. It is proved that in
developed societies current gender gaps are more evident among younger groups,
whereas traditional gender gaps are characteristic of the groups of older
generations. In our opinion, should
the influence of young groups’ opinions be stronger than that of a particular
lifestyle, it is highly probably that throughout generations women would tend
more towards leftist movements. In
the long-term perspective, the current gender gaps in developed societies will
strengthen and will be consolidated.
The situation in the
past in countries like Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands proves that there
are gender gaps as a result of persistent secular changes in women and men’s
values. In the countries of the European Union, women in parliaments (in lower
and higher chambers) constitute on average 15%, in the Cabinet of Ministers -
16%. Three Nordic countries have the highest number of women MPs: from 33% to
44%. These countries are then being
followed by the Netherlands, Germany and Austria.
Despite the fact that women in Sweden received suffrage rights in 1921,
the percentage of women in the Parliament (Riksdag) constituted no more than 33
percent by the end of the 80s. It
is only after the Riksdag elections of 1994 the level of women increased until
41%, which became a world-wide record, and the elections themselves were called
“women’s elections”. This was a result of a long-term work on improving
gender relations, including a comprehensive set of legislative, public,
political, and socio-economic measures.
In the USA women are more actively involved in public life.
They participate in elections more actively than men (In the elections of
1996 there were over seven million more women voters than men voters.) /62/ As a
result, we expect changes in the models of inter-party competitiveness and the
influence of women in the election process and election results. For example,
the gender gaps in the USA attracted the attention of the mass media and
inspired public debates on gender issues, encouraged inter-party competitiveness
in attracting women’s votes and strengthened the process of involving more
women in politics.
The research conducted
by R. Inglehart and P. Norris indicated that until mid-90s in the post-Soviet
territory the gender gaps were characteristic of the traditional model of
electoral behaviour. However, during the last five years the radical societal
transformations influenced restructuring the electoral behaviour of the society,
which is also indicated by the Kazakhstani political scientist G. Nasimova: «electorate
body changes constantly due to the influence of socio-economic and strictly
physical conditions.» /63/
The
specifics of the women’s electorate or the gender gaps between women and men,
is significant for the Kazakhstani society since “under the conditions of
political competitiveness parties will seek the most effective methods of
influencing the electorate… It is
clear that the electoral behaviour in Kazakhstan … will not follow the path of
the West due to the specifics of the national and cultural traditions.
Therefore, the Western models of electoral behaviour will have
difficulties in adjusting to local conditions despite their significance and
external similarity of problems.” /64/
To define the specifics
of the women’s electorate in the CIS it is necessary to study the role of a
woman during the socialism since the current women’s political participation
stems from the recent historical past and is strongly connected with its
heritage.
To do so,
let us consider the research of the Russian political scientist Julia Gradskova,
who writes “modern women strongly believe that during the socialism they were
provided equal political rights to those of men. Continuing accepting the
argument of one of the theorists of the Marxism - V.I. Lenin – that no single
state in the world and no democratic legislation provided for women as much as
the Soviet state did, we most often associate this justice with the political
rights of women to vote. /65/
In state, party and public organisations a special
mechanism of working with women was established: women’s unions that
functioned under the supervision of the women’s units. It should be also noted
that during these years the goal of attracting women into political activities
was quickly addressed. Suggestions
of women stipulated during meetings of the delegates received ideological
support and were translated quickly into state actions.
Women not only were invited to participate in public life, but they
established a mechanism that allowed them to get involved. Here a large tribute
is given to the work of women’s units.
It is clear that the October Revolution elevated the idea of gender
equality to the political, state and constitutional levels and was vocalised
internationally. However, in practice the principle of equality had not become
an organic part of the real state policy nor of the political life and nor of
human rights. Having realised that it would be difficult to attain real gender
equality in the nearest future, the state was forced to play a role of a
benefactor of women. The social stereotype that men are dominant and women are
subordinate was opposed by the state, and in the early years of the Soviet State
it was in reality overturned. The role of a benefactor of women was played by
the state.
Since 1930s “the
women’s question” was considered to be solved and disappeared from the party
policy, its organisational structure and from scientific debates.
The problem of “political role of women in the society” was addressed
through a quota system for women in the representative bodies of power.
In 1980-1985 the share of women in the Supreme Union constituted 32,8%,
and in the Supreme Unions of the Soviet Republics– 36,2%, in the Autonomous
Republics– 40,3%.
These quotas were not
reflective of the true status of women in the political life of the country
because the so-called “women’s quota” was used also to accommodate
representation of other groups such as the worker’s class, non-members of the
Party, ethnic minorities, rural areas and so forth. However, it should be noted that at the lower, local level
women were sufficiently active and their representation in the local bodies of
power was sufficiently high. This
is a world-wide tendency. Some
Western researchers believe that women tend to consider local level more
affordable for themselves than central level both ideologically and politically.
This is evidently explained by the fact that practical objectives of
interest to the women in the regions are addressed at the local level and also
the effectiveness of the woman deputy is also more visible at the local level.
Also, in the Soviet times a woman was assigned with the responsibility to
work and be a mother, however, it was not expected from her to build a good
political career. Participation in
the politics was provided through official quotas.
The reproduction of the traditional women’s family role was also at the
state level where social protection roles were given to women.
The so-called social motherhood, family issues, issues of childhood,
problems of pensioners were usually considered to be within the political domain
of women. It is sufficient to state
that throughout the Soviet period there was not a single woman who became a part
of the Political Bureau of the CC of the CPSU – the highest body of the
political power in the USSR.
The first elections in
the country without quotas in 1989 and in 1990 demolished the myth that the
woman’s question was resolved in the USSR and about the political role of
women in the society. Women lost
the elections. This happened
because of their low political activism and mobilisation, but also proved the
attitude of the society towards a woman politician.
In 1990 among the
people’s deputies of the Supreme Union of the USSR there were 8.95% of women,
the share of women in the Supreme Union of the Russian Federation constituted
5.6%, in Belarus - 3%, and in the Republic of Kazakhstan this figure reached 7%.
In the subsequent years it increased, but never surpassed even 14%.
The reasons for the
decrease of women’s representation in the bodies of power have become a
subject of many studies. Many
reasons are named, but they mainly name the cancellation of the quota system,
lack of women’s skills for political struggle and difficult economic status of
the CIS countries. The struggle for
the survival has not left women with time for participating in political
campaigns. However, some researches
claim that the economic hardship would force women to get more actively involved
in decision-making.
The former republics of
the USSR received their independence and are building nations of the new type,
having abandoned socialist past in many ways. However in some spheres of the
so-called “women’s question”, there is a legacy. It concerns the issues of
social protection, protection of motherhood and childhood, reproductive rights
of women. Following the influence
of society’s democratisation, a network of women’s organisations is being
developed. Although mainly
supported by foreign donors, these organisations are starting to acquire their
own vision. Having taken some
functions that had been left by the sate, these organisations bring a
significant benefit to the society
Almost absolute absence
of gender studies of the election processes and women’s electoral behaviour in
Kazakhstan can be partially compensated by the similar analysis conducted in
Russia, Belarus and the Ukraine. Although
significantly after the elections, but already in 2001 the movement “Women of
Kazakhstan” conducted a sociological survey on “Monitoring women’s
political rights”, a section of which paid attention to the electoral
behaviour of women. /66/
Without going into the
details of the methodology of the conducted surveys, here are some conclusions
of the studies:
1.
In the Russian society there is a process of decreasing trust of the
electorate to the women’s movement and their leaders.
For example, in 1993 over four million people (8.1%) voted for the
movement “Women of Russia”. But
in 1995 half a million less of voters gave their votes to them.
The movement lacked 0.5% of votes to get into the State Duma. The reason for that was the split within the movement and
their weak work with the electorate. This
led to the loss of previously gained positions – no Women’s Caucus in the
Duma and many previously adopted decrees, concepts and laws in the area of equal
opportunities have not been implemented in practice.
2.
The election campaign of 1999 eliminated a number of new positive gender
specifics. Foremost, not only one,
but also a number of movements participated in the elections.
In the struggle for the seats in the Duma already four unions
participated although not specifically women’s (men constituted up to 20% of
them), but headed by women. In their election platforms they primarily stated
protection of social interests. However,
there was also one peculiarity – the decrease of women in the party lists
headed by men. As a result, in the
State Duma there are currently 35 women out of 450 deputies. Such low level of
women’s representation has never been before in the history of parliamentarism
neither in the Soviet nor in the post-Soviet Russia.
This analysis proved the fact of the separatism within the women’s
movement, absence of co-ordination of activities of individual women’s
organisations. In our opinion, at
the current stage the movement plays an even more important role than the
“pluralism of opinions” in women’s organisations in regard to the strategy
of integrating in political institutions. This
is especially valid when taking into consideration the high electoral threshold
(8%) in the Russian election law.
3.
Another conclusion – the possibility of women getting into the State
Duma depends largely on the activism of women’s electorate or on the level of
their absenteeism. During the elections of 1999 the women’s absenteeism
reached up to 28-30% and in some regions up to 32-35%. The main motives were the
lack of trust for political leaders, for the possibility to influence politics,
tiredness from the high level political struggle and indifference to politics.
/67/
The
Kazakhstani women follow the path of the Russian women in many ways and in some
issues still continue to follow their strategic decisions.
In our opinion, the women’s electorate should draw lessons from the
Russian experience. The decrease in
the level of interest to the women’s movement should be carefully analysed and
strengthened as well as the strategies of interaction with the electorate should
be changed. The establishment of
separate women’s political movements and parties lead to separatism.
This problem should be carefully considered since in our society the
ideology of gender equal partnership-based approach to addressing women’s
issues is integrated, however, the reverse to radical feminist positions can be
possible. The representatives of the so-called “Eastern way of thinking”,
which in reality is the majority of the population will reject the subjection of
the “foreign” ideology, and in the best possible outcome would lead to the
loss of women representing such parties during the elections.
The experience of the women’s movement in Kazakhstan, however, also has
led to the understanding of the necessity to establish separate women’s
parties. This happened, in our opinion, due to the lack of work by women with
other, predominantly male parties. The
work with such parties may entail a long process of negotiations, exchange of
opinions and as a result may lead to developing of a compromising party
platform, which is also extremely difficult to achieve due to gender misbalance.
Establishment of a woman’s party leads to faster results.
Here another struggle should be addressed – the struggle for the votes,
which predominantly vote (as we have established) for men.
The
Belarus study of 1996 was conducted in a different way than the Russian study.
It studied the mechanisms of political choice of voters.
The results of the survey similar to the results of the aforementioned
American studies indicated some visible preferences of the women’s electorate
or so called gender gaps. It was
manifested in voting for the left, for the so-called “non-left” (with
democratic platforms) and for independent candidates.
The gender balance was not witnessed in either of the voting cases.
The level of women’s votes changed depending on their residential area
– rural or urban. The sharpest
contrast was evident between large cities and scarcely populated rural areas. (See
Attachment А)
The
researches have also found support of the fact that women are more disciplined
in attending elections. Women are more often than men attended election polls. (See
Attachment B)
These
figures prove that it is not a specific group of citizens that ignore elections,
but practically all voters do not come for elections - 90% of men and 80% of
women.
In
our opinion these figures and facts indicate the overall lack of trust of voters
to the parties, party candidates and independent candidates and, possibly even
to the representative bodies of power. Moreover, the researches have noted that
women dominate the voters not because of political reasons.
The conclusion was made that in Belarus women vote because of
psychological reasons, choosing candidates based on their external appearance,
lifestyle, behavioural style and so forth.
Intuitively,
political candidates often avoided political rhetoric and claimed to be
independent, trying to avoid expressing their political orientation.
In our opinion, this reflects the multidimensional majority of voters.
In Belarus as well as in other countries of the CIS, the political
culture is not developed, there is no mass adherence to a particular party,
often the party activities are not visible to the society and its platform of
action is vocalised for voters only during the pre-election campaigns.
That is why during the meetings with the voters, the political candidates
prefer to accommodate the overall mood of the people who came to the meeting.
/68/
Similarly
in Kazakhstan, according to a united opinion of researches and the results of
the official election statistics, there is a lack of desire of the population to
participate in the elections. If during the presidential elections due to the
large preparatory work conducted by all structures of the executive power that
has mechanisms of pressuring civil servants, students and pensioners, a majority
of voters took place; then during the elections to the Parliament or maslikhats
the passiveness of the voters was evident. According to the results of the aforementioned sociological
survey conducted by “The Women of Kazakhstan”,
“in the presidential elections the level of absenteeism among interviewed
women varied between 13.3% in Kokshetau to 36.4% in Almaty; among female
residents of oblasts from 15.9% in West Kazakhstan oblast to 30% in the rural
election district of Astana. In the
elections to the Parliament the share of “non-voters” constituted every
seventh respondent in Uralsk to almost every second in Almaty (43,7%) and from
13,7% in EKO to 62% in the rural election district of Kokshetau.
The premeditated absenteeism is evident.” Among the main reasons of absenteeism the survey notes the
following: no trust in the just elections; absence of a worthy candidate; and
various procedural faults. /69/
Therefore,
here is one of the mistakes of the parties and movements that become active only
before the elections. Women’s
movement needs to draw appropriate conclusions and should not be carried away by
raising the numbers of their members, but should put more emphasis on the
quality of the work with the population.
The
main drawback of women’s political establishments is the lack of financial
resources. Most large parties
require significant investments to support paid key party figures – chairs of
the committees and party units at local levels, as well as establishment and
maintenance of the image of party leaders. Without that the process of party
members leaving the party long before elections may start due to the lack of
visibility of the results of the party work and the weak influence on the
improvement of the status of women. In
our opinion, the experience of the Western women’s movement in technologies
for raising funds, party survival in difficult conditions, the methods of
working with the electorate should be used. Although the American women are far
from being on an equal level of representation in the highest bodies of power,
in the US the major overturn in public perception of both women politicians and
women specialists and entrepreneurs has already taken place.
This is in many ways due to the strength of the women’s movement.
References to the “Eastern way of thinking” and the specifics of the
Kazakhstan’s society are not always relevant since the US is mainly populated
by the representatives of the former Puritan Europe, which had been also known
for their conservatism in the area of women’s rights.
The
main conclusions on the specifics of the women’s electorate and on the
implementation of suffrage rights are the following:
-
Women throughout the ХХ century, from the moment of receiving
suffrage rights have built their potential as electorate before moving towards
building their representation in power structures. The results of the American
national survey of the elections in 1992, as well as the Russian, Ukrainian and
Byelarussian elections of 1999 indicate that women can win elections as
successfully as men do. Therefore,
the problem is not in the political backwardness or lack of competitiveness of
women who decide to enter politics, but in their small numbers.
- The gender issue has gained complex political representation due to the
behaviour of the women’s electorate. How
women vote affects tendencies, strategies and opportunities of possibility for
women’s leadership. Because women
voters dominate over men and because women and men make different choices, since
1980 the “gender gap” became evident in many US national elections.
This is why women’s electorate has gained a real power.
Their interests and preferences have never been a subject of such close
attention. Because women’s
electorate behaviour is not always studied by the Kazakhstani researches, the
results of American studies conducted during many years can be used for the
prognosis of the behaviour of women’s electorate in Kazakhstan. It is especially topical because of strengthening democratic
tendencies in the society and the growing role of women in the political life of
the country.
- The belief that women always vote like their husbands was not proved.
The behaviour of women’s electorate and women objects of elections
should be studied through surveys, focus groups and analysed by different
parameters (such as the age, the educational level, family status, number of
children, religion, occupation, area of residence, participation in public and
political movements, etc.) Women politicians are role models for other women,
youth and children because they help to break societal stereotypes on gender
roles by their personal examples. The
representation of women in politics reflects not only justice towards the other
half of the humanity. Women
introduce in politics and the process of its formation their own experience and
knowledge, their preferences that stem from the historical division of roles in
the society and responsibilities within families.
- As a result of their strength as an electorate, women have political
influence. Making women run for an
office, being elected and appointed should become a politically popular act.
Parties and social movements should strengthen their work in attracting
more prominent women and to put them up for elections.
The party that would become aware of that earlier than others would be
the leader in subsequent elections.