1.1. Political Conception of Gender Equality:
World and Domestic Experience.
One of the major signs of civil society ability to progress, modernization, and transition from traditional structure to contemporary is the emergence of women’s political activity different forms. This was reflected upon the arising of social groups – and may be expressed in terms of feminism – theory and practice of women’s social-political rights advocating and following this – the formation of women’s movement. (Appendix: Gender Glossary). The practice of their activity became the subject of new political research in domestic science not long ago. But in the world history this tendency is stable and possesses firm experience.
Feminism was widely spread in the western hemisphere in 80-es of XIX century and history of its development has several stages.
Stage 1 the second half of XIX century up to twenties in XX century – feminism appeared. At first its objectives were connected with fight for delegating election rights to women and the supporters of that trend were called suffragists (English suffrage – the right to vote). Suffragism appeared in England and was later spread in the USA, Germany, France, etc. For the first time in the world history women in New Zealand and Australia got the right to vote in 1893. The first country, which presented women not only with the right to vote but also to be elected, became Finland (1906). Later analogous processes happened in Norvegia, Denmark and in 1918-1920 in Belgium, Germany, Poland, Canada, the USA etc.
This stage was called “the early feminism” or feminism of the first wave. At scientific literature feminism of the first wave was determined as “equality feminism” and it became women’s struggle for having the same rights as men have already possessed. Women’s movement of this wave touched many countries. However, at first it was not inclined to cancel gender system and was not so widely spread among populace.
Stage 2: 60-80-es of the XX century. The period of the so-called “women in enlightenment” or “women’s liberation movement”. The peak of activity was in the USA. The country at that period was in the process of active society democratization, which was characterized by finding out different discrimination forms, women’s discrimination as well. And the latter became the second actual problem in the political processes of that period. This stage was named the second wave feminism.
The reason for feminism revival was social-economic restructurization in America and it was connected with women’s economic activity expansion. “Up to 1960 US women comprise more than 1/3 of labor resources. 54% of working women were married, 33% gave birth to kids and that testifies economic factors urging women to be engaged into social enterprise practice”/12/.
The basic feminism trait of that period was the existence of radical and extremist protest when emancipation touched the manufacturing sphere, political freedoms but social-cultural traditions as well. The extreme expression of protest became the supposition and demands connected with elimination of a number of women’s roles; marriage and maternity were in that row. Ideologically and strategically women’s movement of this period was divided into several branches: (1) liberation movement (radical feminism) and (2) movement for women’s rights (liberal and socialist feminism). The second wave of emancipation movement which stood for idea and “feminism differences” was oriented at present gender relations system change. Objective of emancipation was in changing way of thinking and acting, in estimating women’s essence and not to adapt women to men’s world. Feminist movement of this stage influenced sufficiently upon political institutions, on women’s self-consciousness and on gender system change. The essential result of women’s movement development in 60-80-s became scientific way of thinking about women’s movements as social phenomena, gender research coming into life etc. In the western scientific thought such notion as “women’s movement” started to be used in wider meaning. The subject of investigation was factor of women’s movement forming, types of this movement, women’s movement peculiarities in different countries etc.
Stage 3 – end of 80-s of the XX century – the spreading of feminism ideas in Newly Independent States where system transformation caused the processes of new public consciousness forming. These processes were very vivid in Russia. In Kazakhstan the political system transformation and social-economic changes sufficiently influenced the change in populace political culture, were a catalyst to different social layers activisation, women are in this row as well. Emergency of women’s organizations, their activity and initiatives forced researchers to study such new social phenomena as women’s movement. However up to this period Kazakhstani researchers pay very little attention to this social problem especially in connection with historic and culture traditions, national peculiarities, mentality.
The term feminism was connected with necessity of marking human beings groups who proclaim not only the increasing social role of women but also the rights for woman to determine herself as an independent personality. However due to the fact that during last centuries private and public women’s role extended and underwent changes, the notion of feminism also expanded and included political, cultural, economic, sexual, racial and ethnic constituencies.
From the point of view of feminist political theory in general scientific-theoretical workouts of early feminism epoch were never subjected to analysis power relations or any political programs. But the very fact is important that even during that period the role of woman in the society was openly discussed including the existence of feminist perspectives and even then such debates were of international character.
In 1789 at the beginning of Great French revolution, Olympia de Gaje printed her “Declaration of rights for women and citizens” where she proclaimed “Every male citizen and female citizen must be equal to the law and due to this they nave equal rights to all types of services and occupation, including her abilities, … a woman has the right to be on scaffold thus she has the right to mount to the rostrum” /13/.
In the middle of XX century a set of theories appeared which emphasized the political essence of feminism. An American researcher Ethel Cline in her book “Gender politics. From consciousness to mass politics” (1984) characterized feminism as a political ideology being on the platform that males and females have equal roles in the society and she confirms that women have no support in the families, have no access to market due to discrimination in the society and not adequate attitude to this problem of social institutions /14/.
According to English sociologist Chris Weedon feminism is a policy aimed at changing the present correlation of powers between males and female in socium /15/. That is both authors confirm the political essence of feminist theory, which became ideology of women’s political struggle for equal rights and liberties with men.
Russia researchers E. F. Belova and G. A. Savchuk in the article “Feminism as phenomenon of west-european civilization” (1999) emphasize that “as philosophic idea and organized public movement feminism is characteristic exclusively for west civilization. Feminism appears at that period when traditional point of view at society … as structure, which is impossible to change, … is changed by point of view at society being changeable reality together with which Weltanschauung of people is also changed. One starts to understand that imposed by society… values, norms and rules are the product of this society”.
But feminism existed in Russia though its history and practice were under study during recent period. It obviously happened due to the reason of making a secret by Soviet leaders the very fact that idea of women liberation from double yoke appeared not in the Socialism epoch but earlier – in the research of S. Aivazova the specific traits and essence of Russian feminism in XIX century are marked by male’s participation. That is the difference between Russian feminism from western. She writes: “After Great French revolution women were deprived of the rights which men had won in the process of struggle. Russia of XIX century had no bourgeois liberation neither for men nor for women. And men hand by hand with women struggled for ideas of female’s education and profession as the starting point of civil rights independence for all”. At the beginning of the XX century the problem of women’s civil and political rights was on the agenda. The First All-Russia women’s congress in 1908 for the first time discussed a question concerning equal election rights for both sex /17/.
About women’s yoke in traditional Kazakhstani society in pre-socialistic period N. Nurtazina wrote and very expressively. Her research paper even at present is the only source of complex description of real women’s position at that time: “Spiritual life, active participation in social sphere possibility to influence folk consciousness was impossible for women not only… due to incongruousness of her nature to the epoch spirit but also due to influence of nomad tribe which did not get the possibility to liberate woman from terrifying burden of material production and family mode of life problems. Such disastrous position of a woman was legal due to customs and traditions and in folk’s mentality” /18/. Differentiating the position of woman in western societies from the so-called “oriental obedience” of ethnic Kazakh women, heavy family labor, being actually a slave in the family and territorial diversity of nomad tribes did not give the Kazakh women possibility to unite and ponder over their own position. Thus to utter something concerning women’s emancipation or political participation of ethnic Kazakh women while pre-soviet period is a taboo. May be the only exception is short-time activity of Alash Orda party which in its program on November 21, 1917 gave equal rights to all citizens of republic despite of “origin, religious confession and sex” /19/. Even earlier in the decree of all Kyrgyz Congress in Orenburg in July 21-28, 1917 was proclaimed “the equality of political rights for women and men” /20/. However even at Turgai oblast Kyrgyz Congress absolutely different decision is adopted concerning “female problem being under the jurisdiction of Muslim religion meeting according to Koran suras and Kyrgyz traditions” /21/. Drastical misunderstanding was obvious in the attitude to female problem between progressive central party leaders and its local bodies, and also disdainful men-politicians attitude to the above mentioned problem, referring it to Muslim mullas. Thus the idea of equality between men and women in Kazakhstani society of that time was proclaimed and included into the party program, but the elimination of party and murdering of its members and homicide of leaders did not give the possibility to insert this idea into life. We suppose that at any case the greatest obstacle on the way of women’s liberation would be the aggressive opposition of religious authorities if they themselves were subjected to repression from Bolsheviks. Thus history of gender equality in Kazakhstan as in other countries of the former Soviet Union started from socialist period.
Feminism as theory operates such notions as femininity, the meaning and content of which since suffragist period changed fundamentally. But these changes left hope for future, which is based on gender equality – the desire that was very seldom expressed by women of last generation. Their leaving the family frames and participating in social enterprises better educational background, the presence of contraceptives, and prolongation of life period – all this helped to change women’s role in the society. These tendencies expanded the number of problems because new social obligations were simply added to family obligations and no sex division of labor occurred. Due to this women carried double burden – work and home. This complex position of women was legalized by legislative and economic social policy aimed at enforcement of traditions on women’s roles.
At present according to Russia researcher T. A. Rubantseva feminism is formed like alternate philosophical conception of socio-cultural development. It existed for a long period of time as ideology of women’s equality and as social-political movement. She considers these two aspects be very important for feminism because theoretics of feminism trying to find answers of these questions concerning women’s status in the society and not being satisfied with traditional social science began to formulate their presentations to rational western knowledge and new theoretical-methodologist attitude to culture analysis /22/.
In order to find out the sources of forming modern conception of gender equality we think it is necessary to investigate profound peculiarities of feminist trends each of which gave its own way of solving the inequality problem in the society.
As it was mentioned above in feminist movement find several branches or streams, the most notable are radical (or revolutionary) liberal (or reforming) and socialist (left).
Liberal feminism secures equality via liberation. It doesn’t demand the system changes despite the fact that it may enter into contradictions with its elements, which according to its position are suppressing or hostile to women self-determination
Radical feminism on the opposite is absolutely sure that the society had no equality. It was created on patriarchality of male’s supremacy and also on racism or capitalism. From this point of view the only means for liberating women from yoke is the transformation of ideology and institutions in existing society, i.e. social-economic and juridical reforms. Women should create “separate groups”, escape from relations with men and at last to put an end with male superiority /23/. However modern radical feminists changed their traditional positions especially in the sphere of hostility to men. Their major objectives became marriage, family, control over reproductivity, and sexual harassment
A bit other attitude we may find in socialist feminists’ point of view. Social feminism is based on Marxist theory which proclaims the class struggle be the first. As it is known the society’s main ideology explaining the existing order of things is the result of public situation. It is no more but point of view of dominating power group. In connection with Marxist theory the dominating class in capitalist society is bourgeois class, which subordinates proletariat and imposes its Weltanschauung. This analogy may be used while investigating the patriarchal society as divided into two classes – male and female where the dominant is – dictatorship of men “class” ideology. But the oppressed class has “class consciousness” – personal outlook at society’s position, which is unfair to them. It is the consciousness, which allows them to criticize the existing power and find the ways to change it. In this context feminism may be called class consciousness and its aim is to liberate the suppressed women or to emancipate. Studying the presented aspects of Marxism “social-feminism” finds the routs of women suppression in the class nature of society. Its objective is to work out the strategy on eliminating men’s superiority and capitalism and to restructuralize gender relations in the society.
Marxism is a complex theory and without doubt may be applied as means of analysis in sex relations. However this theory may be worked out as basis of economic yoke when one class suppresses another. Due to this modern feminism while using Marxist theory solves the problem concerning correlation between sex and class and this is the theme of many discussions. Also important for our analysis is the fact that our socialist feminism is viewed in the context of election rights then it is obvious that feminism aims at reaching its own goals more than to provide personal rights.
At present post modernized feminism or post-feminism adopting the existence of multiple and different feminists platforms makes an attempt to escape from “the only correct” direction in feminism theory /27/.
Thus one may notice great disagreement in feminist ideology position in its different reincarnation. But there is one general feature aiming at changing the existing inequality in rights and to create new egalitarian relations. Consequently, the summarized reproduction of different but popular ideas of feminism helps to use and use effectively these ideas in practical women’s movement activity and supports to produce effective strategies.
The increasing number of modern feminist researchers and active participants of all ideological trends assume the necessity of women’s participation in traditionally men’s corridors of power the way men may introduce necessary for them changes. But one problem remains unclear – what way women must integrate into the higher levels of power and whole types of changes should be made in order women may actively and full-valued work in these structures. If role of women working in autonomous political (public) organizations is investigated well enough it can’t be said so about women working in men’s political structures. If some part of women having been trained in public women’s organizations enters traditional politics with already formed feminist consciousness then the major part of women have patriarchal mentality. Thus we make a conclusion that quantitative increase of women in power organs will not produce the desired effect. Only well-trained in public organizations and political parties which profound education in theory and practice women may start political activity. Great number of researchers certifies that women who have the mentioned above experience as a rule never bring to the agenda of these political bodies anything brand new. At least something which may differ their point of view of men’s. But it is the combination of different points of view that very often helps to find the only correct decision. That is these women possess patriarchal consciousness (look Gender Glossary) and we may suppose that they even being aware and expressing sympathy to representatives of their own sex and problem cannot defend their rights.
For transformation of feminist theory about women in politics into valid theory it is necessary to take into consideration the great variety of women’s political reality and to have a look at them without traditional political forms. Acknowledging women’s specific features one usually appeals to sex and reproduction that gives women different from men’s outlook at some political problems.
But we think that it is very important to understand the difference in outlook among women themselves and also to find distinct variants in the very spheres where women may have the same with men opinions (for example in the sphere of civil rights). Transformational feminist theory must also offer the manual for political actions. Women’s political experience in the present power structures and beyond their limits is seriously studied in order to work out the proposals of all democratic changes as at lower public level and at stable men’s political structures.
Transformational feminist perspective is useful for women’s role understanding.
Women’s movement in Norvegia may serve as an example. Due to this movement great number of women entered the political parties and became members of the government overcoming radical (separatists) and liberal-left (integrational) trends. Women’s movement in this country formed effective coalition of autonomous groups and organizations, which help the major part of women-candidates to run electoral campaigns into political institutions.
Women’s global movement proved that women have the right to be represented in politics and that they have specific key factors to influence on adopting of political decisions. But the difference between women especially in the sphere of the party preferentials and barriers on the way to equality make women’s integration into politics complicated enough and at times insoluble problem because not all women entering the political structures possess the experience of public activity. More than this without organized movement aimed with feminist agenda of the date, with precise understanding of political structure reorganization, women-politicians alone cannot make significant changes /28/.
We think that attitude to the theory to feminism may be interesting via the theory of state well being for everybody. Acknowledging that final aim in the struggle for equality is the creation of society with universal well being, a number of researchers carry analysis of interrelation of feminists and the state. A valid and vast analysis of this theory a Russian researcher N. Shapkina presents in her paper “The state of universal well-being” /29/. According to her conclusions liberal feminists struggle for women’s right for free competition with men in any sphere and reject the participation of state as far as it is possible. Just at this time adherents of state’s interference in settling women’s problems confirm that specific women’s demands need special state warranties for women. For example confirming the right for contraception, abortions, state guarantees to taken care after kids which give the woman possibility to be free and realize her aspirations. The representatives of radical feminism relating to the state policy assume that it is a kind of men’s power over women via the state. The proof for this may be the fact that at major part of state services men predominate – in the Parliament, Government, higher echelon of health system, education, social defense, judicial system etc. Women’s obligations according to representatives of this direction are to secure the changes in politics of the state under women’s control. The adherents of socialist feminism criticize the state for expressing patriarchal and capitalist interests, for enforcing the dependent women’s role inside the family and low salary.
Mary McIntosh, an American researcher, investigating the role of the state in guaranteeing citizen’s well being defines the state as indirect suppression of women because it promotes the enforcement of financial dependence in family. The representatives of this direction arrive to joint opinion that the changing of social relations is necessary, then elimination of hierarchy between manufacture and consumer, elimination of discrimination in distributing home obligations and division per paid and unpaid labor /30/. In my mind, the proof of necessary and sound state’s interference is the process of increasing women’s well being are Scandinavian countries. They embodied these theories into life.
If at the beginning of feminist theory establishing the accent was made at researching the suppression phenomena of women in the society relatively to the structural contradictions inside the social systems: capitalism, patriarchate then current feminist theory is represented by the great number of comparative researches which analyze women’s position in different societies and also inside different stratum, ethnic groups and cultures /31/.
Modern feminist directions stick to the opinion that men’s power in modern societies qualitatively changed: sex domination is not any more legitimate source of power, but men’s strong domination in economic and political spheres is still preserved. General conclusion of feminist attitude is: this gives women new platform and from that platform they may combat with men’s domination in public and private life.
Thus, the sincere feminist meaning is not the creation of ideal society project, which must be embodied into life, but the formation of the way to transform the existing society into society, which will correlate with command of time.
Feminism as practical and theoretical phenomena is a product of industrialized society and it in many of its initial forms is opened, loosing ideological meaning in postmodernist society making its contribution into its creation. By essence feminism as a theory forms poliparadigmal postmodernist society, i.e. became one of the ways to transition to it and as for practical trend - and this is its second side – creates new practices, contributing to the choice realization of “reflecting subjectivism” allowing it not only to stick to any ideology but to realize its world outlook in practice /32/.
A number of analytics dedicate their researches to the problems of democracy and equality. In the book “Women in the Parliament: beyond the figure limits” an English researcher Azza Karam writes that widely spread notion “democracy” became the aim for separate people and populace in the whole world. But the division of democracy is still deviating because democracy almost every time serves to political priorities. It coincides to the traditional definition of politics, which is characterized by men’s domination in public sphere, and due to this is not obligatory friendly to women. However, though women’s political rights are indivisible part of their human rights this is fundamental aspect of any democratic system.
Next argument – democracy should take into consideration different points of view of all groups forming strategic decisions. In other words democracy should cope with meanings and political convictions of women and men. The very same argument may be used while involving the minorities into the process of decision adoption.
And at last may be the only and the most important argument is the fact that women comprise half of the humanity and half of any separately taken state. Women research and practical experience show that women must not be looked upon as minorities because in this sense they are the same minority as men. Working out and conducting politics directly or indirectly influencing the life of people without situation, reality, perspective may not arise confidence in modern world /33/.
Today, “democracy” is a much-touted word and has become a goal for individuals and nations around the world. However, the definition of democracy remains elusive. We know that democracy falls almost exclusively within the domain of politics. Further, it comes within the traditional definition of politics, which is characterized as male-dominated, specific to the “public sphere” and therefore not necessarily women-friendly. For this reason, despite the increasing popularity of the concept and practice of democracy, the question regarding why democracy and gender should be interlinked continues to be asked and still needs to be answered. We will highlight some of the main arguments often repeated in this respect.
First, women’s political rights – with politics being broadly defined to include everyday concerns – are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights; and human rights, in turn, are fundamental aspect of any democratic framework. A second argument for linking gender and democracy is that in a democracy points of view of different groups involved must be taken into account in formulating any decision or carrying forward any strategy. In other words, democracy must be inclusive of the opinions and perceptions of women as well as men. This argument is also used to justify the need to bring minorities into decision-making process.
Finally, perhaps the single most important rational factor for linking democracy and gender is that women effectively constitute half of the world population, and half of each single national population. Women’s studies and the amalgamation of practical experiences repeatedly have pointed out that women are not and should not be considered a minority. Indeed, women are as much “minority” as men in such a context. To conceptualize issues and develop policies which will affect directly or indirectly citizens’ lives without taking into account the situation, perspectives and realities of all those who will be affected is no longer credible in today’s world.
In the times being and at present women’s movement in this or another form stand for idea of conformation and conducting the principle of equal rights, freedoms and opportunities for women and men. It supposes working out special state programs, legal procedure and norms, which help women to open the road into traditionally inaccessible spheres of public life. Taking into account gender perspectives the involving of women into the process of adoption the decision is indisputable attribute of any democracy. Consequently, democracy cannot be gender blind. It stretches to equality and women representation in the processes of decisions adoption and possible ways to reach these goals.
Here ideas, ideals of democratic changes may be considered the primary base of feminism and feminism in its tern – the sign of democracy, which needed. The development of modern forms and norms of democracy in any other society supposes equal participation of men and women in all spheres of public life at all levels of decision adoption – in the state, in the family.
Marilee Karl – a Philippinian activist of women’s movement utters more definitely: “Women are the major political force not only because that greater part of the mankind is excluded from public life and also due to playing a significant role in creation of organizations and movement throughout the globe they become more and more active in their countries, regions and at international arena” /34/.
It is necessary to understand why women’s participation is so important. Firstly because true democracy cannot exist without real participation of people in managing and developing without equal participation of men and women in all spheres of life at all levels of decision adoption. Secondly, the goals of development cannot be aimed without full women’s participation not only in the process of development but in forming its aims. And thirdly, women’s participation changes the world where we live introducing into political processes and society new priorities and perspectives. Focusing attention at problems, which are mostly neglected by mankind, women’s participation makes society more responsible for human demands.
From the notion “participation” we extract two measurements: qualitative and quantitative. Previously qualitative tendencies prevailed and participation was measured exclusively by the quantity of people despite qualitative contribution into the decision adoption process. Today focus is deviated from quantitative to qualitative parameters of participation, which became conceptualized in a wider sense.
Participation means that people are closely involved into economic, social, cultural and political processes influencing their life. In separate cases people may possess full and direct control over these processes and in another – this control may be partial. People have constant access to adoption of decision and power. That is important. Participation is the meaning and basic element of mankind progress and development.
Women’s political movement has many forms: it includes not only voting and elected positions but also collective activity in associations and organizations. Almost in every country in the sphere of electoral politics women acquire great experience in having the right to vote and be elected for political posts. But the percentage of women parliamentary members is only 10% and they are small fragment of political top at national and international level.
The major form of women’s political participation is participation in women’s non-governmental organizations of local, national and international levels. And though women have long run history in non-governmental organizations the extensive development may be seen during last ten years. During this period fighting for social changes they reach significant success and made great impact on current political processes and society changes.
In the frames of modern conception of gender development women’s research aiming at creation of women’s history came across theoretical difficulty: how to introduce marginal women’s history into general (men’s)? This problem solution resulted in rechecking in
1980s conceptual apparatus of feminism theory to key-notion gender having excluded biological determinism in this field.
The notion of gender may be applied not only to women and is not absolutely women’s problem. Gender is “not only women’s problem but relations between sexes. Thus it exists in social context of power distribution, prestige and private property” /35/.
According to Byelorussian researcher Irina Chickalova’s point of view the notion of gender is central in the terminology apparatus in feminist authors who starting with critical approach concerning “natural subordination” and subordinate position of women applied to gender the basic place in analytical structure of power, organization of social and cultural institutions, modes of ideological control in modern societies. Nowadays without gender mentioning not a single juridical document is done. Alongside with important terminology while discussing gender relations such as “femininity / female”; “masculine/ male”; “patriarchal/ patriarchat”; “social/ public”; “private/ ownership”, “sexism”, “ageism” (discrimination on age), gender became necessary part of lexics not only of any intellectual, but any of politically correct citizen in the West /36/.
Analysis of social relations development from gender position is the differentiating of different social functions of women’s and men’s roles. On the basis of this notion “…we manage to overcome centenarian ideas about men and women not only as biological creatures who should only “depend and fight” or “give birth to children and take care after”. Sex was considered to be a higher social function, status and definite behavior stereotype.
According to this theory in any sphere of human beings activity including politics two points of view have the right to exist, two types of relations – men’s and women’s. Males and females acquire information in a different way, the same with solving problems and conducting real situations, serve the society in a different way. These attitudes should peacefully coexist and never be in confrontation”. /37/.
The world political experience shows that in different societies it is different. In the countries with transit economy this problem is especially sharp because women as less established strata became the object of hidden and direct discrimination. The problem is that despite the fact that “women’s attitude” in most cases could be fruitful and effective than traditional men’s attitude women are not given the possibility to display their abilities. Due to this women actively acquire new forms appeared in 1990-s: participate in public movement, create organizations, which attract attention to co-relations of social sex.
The sense of equality between men and women may be defined by the following: it is “equal position, independence, responsibility and participating of both sex in all spheres of public and private life. Living conditions of men and women significantly differ from each other and to a certain extent due to women’s reproduction function. The problem is not in the presence of these differences but they must not have negative reflection on men and women living conditions, lead to discrimination and quite on the opposite they should be taken into consideration and should be expressed in equal regulation of economic, social and political possibilities.” /38/
Two aspects have prior importance:
1. Social structure of sex (male, female);
2. Relations between sexes.
The division into male and female (gender) comes since the time of men’s and women’s social identity appearance. In other words, since social reflection of biological sex due to distribution of characteristic per every sex tasks, functions and roles in the society, in public and private life. This description belongs to male and female gender and has a cultural character varying from time and place. The structure and recurrence of the defined have individual and social measure and both factors have equal importance.
During their life people in individual order form the roles and norms given to this or opposite sex and reproduce them judging by different expectations in this respect. In the documents of conference “Equality and democracy: utopia or challenge of time?” (European Council, 1995) we assume that the notion of gender must be looked upon in the political and institutional plans.
The politics and public-political institutions play the significant role in modeling the life conditions and in this connection very often confirm or reproduce the status of this or opposite gender which is established in the given society conditions. In generalized form the principle of sex equality:
1. Permits to investigate the difference between men and women and the roles they play in the society;
2. Includes in itself the right for differentiating that supposes the necessity to consider remarkable features characteristic to men and women connected with their belonging to this or another social class, to their political views, religion, ethnic group, race or sexual orientation;
3. Stimulates the search for decisions aimed at finding the effective mechanisms in changing of social structures, which introduce their contribution into the support and preserving powerful non-balanced relations between men and women, and at reaching the best equilibrium between different values and priorities specific for every gender.
For realization of this principle it is necessary to create real partnership relations between men and women and such division of responsibility, which could eliminate the violation of equilibrium in this sphere of public and private life. It is necessary to use knowledge and abilities of all citizens of the society aiming at the point that women and men should participate in the construction of our society, settling the present problems and be ready for future.
We know many definitions of gender and connected with it notions: gender identity, gender ideology, gender differentiation, gender roles, gender stratification, etc. All of them are used for gender analysis or gender investigations, socio-cultural sex relations in the society (look Gender Glossary).
Gender research brings to understanding that the problem of inequality is more profound that it seemed at first. Was overthought the role of culture, popular stereotypes, preconception of science in forming notions concerning women and men, manhood and womanhood. Thus gender investigations – that is rethinking of social theories but from the position of new category – gender.
Gender research as scientific trend became the result of intensive development of feminist practice. New phase in the development of this powerful scientific stream is marked in 80-s when the patriarchal and specific women’s experience came into gender system analysis. This theory gives the possibility to understand the way gender is felt, constructed and reproduced in all social problems, worked out the perspective strategy at aiming actual equal possibilities for men and women.
The introduction of gender attitude towards science let us see the phenomena, which previously were out of sight. Gender researches study public institutions, which form traditional roles and culture norms: the state, family, system of education, mechanism of public labor division, mass media, and political processes. They help to realize human rights. From this point of view regular conduction of such researches in Kazakhstan is necessary because they help to form civil society. Thus the goal of gender research is changing of our society into the best way of life conditions and self-realization of every human being.
In the USA still continue to use the term “women’s research” explaining this by the fact that woman is still the legging behind element in gender system and consequently she needs separate study.
In the conditions of our republic the development perspectives are after gender research. At first, due to difficulties of transition period which reflected at the representatives of both genders (through greater part – at women) and in order to overcome them we need gender attitude. Secondly, due to historic traditions Kazakhstani society acquires the idea of harmonious gender development but at self-conscious level it rejects any mentioning of feminism often due to the reason of not knowing about its directions, goals and perspectives.
We consider that alongside with establishing of gender research important factor may still lie in teaching gender theory in educational system. Then feminism, which is the source of gender attitude, will be comprehended in its real value.
By the essence the introduction of the notion “gender” into the scientific turnover is not only adding changed theoretical-methodological base of research in this direction due to significant expansion of the analyzed circle of problems and complex attitudes, which investigate it, but also on the basis of notion “gender” absolutely new conception of correlation between sexes was formed.
Thus the significant sign of extremely quickly changed public situation is the appearance of new directions in science, political as well and in practice. To this row we may refer gender research and feminist public movement. Despite the fact that the latter and the former in different public-political systems have different attitudes, all of them aimed at finding and overcoming the social differences between men and women as necessary condition of modern society progress.
Many countries are at the stage of practical appliance of gender workouts. This refers to Scandinavian countries: Denmark, Sweden, Norvegia, Finland. Due to the fact that gender investigations in these countries are the manual for activity they are financially supported. Not occasionally due to “gender sensible” social and economic politics the level of life in these countries is rather high. And in its turn the attained high level allows to treat the needs of all populace groups without exclusion with all possible attention. The same is with marginal groups as well.
In post soviet countries and Kazakhstan is in their number the problem of women’s social discrimination acquire specific actuality in connection with crashing of socialist social order, the changing of social-economic way of life and actual elimination of social warranties for family, children, women. Also the distinct alienation of women from politics, power, participation in adoption of political decisions and responsibility for its implementation take place. Of course it’s difficult to remain calm especially under the conditions of world tendency to establish the equality of gender in spheres of activity.
Great differences between de-jure and de-facto in women’s position from our point of view is one of the factors which is the legacy of soviet reality. Because of that period nothing demonstrated so vividly the difference between declaration and everyday real life. Actually, soviet laws in the respect of equal rights and possibilities were the most progressive in the world, but as for mechanisms of realization - they were not worked out.
After the USSR crashing on the territories of all post soviet republics we watch the aggravation of women’s situation. Women are pushed out of power structures, labor markets. The idea of “national women’s destination” is widely propagating. This allows arriving to a conclusion that in all post soviet states the obsolete soviet tradition is in actual use. According to this tradition the difficulties of transitive period at first to socialism and communism and now to market economy and democracy are got over at the account at women’s population. Thus the transition to democracy forces us to doubt the proclaimed democratic values. Obviously while building democratic society of a new type it’s necessary to find other attitudes and decisions. Because of it at our point of view the best experience of world associations in the respect of gender perspectives may be applied in modern conditions in Kazakhstan but it demands critical thinking and working out.
When Kazakhstan became a member of United Nations organization a new notion of human being rights appeared – women’s rights. UN affords its own worked out in the period of several decades attitude to settling women’s problems and women’s political participation. These attitudes in the form of pilot projects out of the so-called Best Practices came into our country. During the years of sovereignty the outer Kazakhstani politics help our state to integrate into world’s economy and global political institutions. Women’s movement in Kazakhstan previously existed in the form of “Zhensovet” (women’s councils) also became part of world women movement; acquire the traits of civil society. Great influence on forming of its political agenda is made by UN, OBSE, European and interparliamentary organizations. The notions “gender”, “gender relations”, “actualization of gender” and “gender development” became familiar in active women’s media. And though the role of feminism and everything connected with its movement still is not recognized in our country it’s feminism that made the foundation for future women’s victories over stable and unfair to women stereotypes and traditions. Thanks to feminism ideas and especially its integration trends the transition towards partnership gender relations was made. Then the strategy and tactics of egalitarian relations in the society were introduced. A great number of different forms of feminism ideas introduction may be seen as examples in such countries as the USA, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Scandinavian states. We are interested in this experience as the possibility of its research and adaptation to specific conditions of our country.
We think that women’s movement in our country, the directions of its development and the state policy is greatly influenced by Sweden experience. This is due to two reasons. At first this country is recommended by UN as the best example of egalitarian relations in the society for introducing and researching the experience of this progressive democratic country. Secondly, Sweden is one of the first European countries that afforded its support to Kazakhstani women’s movement in 1997 and still helps this movement. Sweden agency on international collaboration brings to life a number of pilot projects to Kazakhstan working with women’s non-governmental organizations and national and regional commissions on family and women’s affairs increasing the potential possibilities of women-leaders, teaching them methods and technologies of conducting political campaigns, municipal self-governing, mechanisms of legal introduction in the spheres of equal possibilities.
This country is called the country of “state feminism”. Sweden is unique because we cannot observe women’s movement in notorious understanding. Sweden and other Scandinavian countries reached such high level of development that public feminism grew into state politics, actually merged with it – i.e. they gained the thing all women in other countries throughout the globe wish to. Ideas of equality became the everyday care of the state, women’s organizations work in the frames of state plans where they have important roles in supporting high socioeconomic status of populace. And though the share of women’s representation in the parliament (Ricksdag) and in the Cabinet of Ministers coming to correlation 50:50 women continue to give preferences the notorious for them spheres of social politics. The matters of state defense, financial system and economy are still men’s prerogative. And because of this Sweden women consider that they didn’t gain the real equality. Due to the Act on Equal Opportunities, which exists since 1980, leveling of salaries and wages in different spheres is very slow and that’s the reason why men’s population is slowly introduced into traditionally women’s sphere of labor. We may make one more conclusion: even in the democratic states and developed, stable economy with historic aspiration to equality of genders the society is still divided into men and women. But the experience of Scandinavian states especially in respect of state measures on gender politics will do for adaptation and application in any country. Kazakhstan is among them.
Adherents of egalitarian relations in the society are eager to change social reality in such a way that women should play an active part in forming this reality, new principles of community coexistence, relations, which would be based not on patriarchal model but on the ideas of parity collaboration.
In general we may say that up to the beginning of the XXI century women reached significant progress having gained electoral rights almost in every country in the world, access to political system, i.e. having won definite positions in the states. However, the creation of such political atmosphere where women should be multilaterally and justly represented and would have the equal with men power is still the main objective for gaining. The struggle would continue.