Public and Personal Involvement in Corruption Scandals in Bulgaria

 

The aim of this project is to investigate the mechanism of public scandals related to corruption and the ways different social groups get involved in them. I will attempt to explain also why some issues are more susceptible than others to attract public attention as well as whether corruption scandals are able to provoke civic action.

 
Several public scandals related to corruption took place in Bulgaria during the last decade. They were triggered by different agents (media, political parties, civic organizations), using a variety of justifications. Some of the scandals remained in the focus of the public opinion for months and even for years, while others quickly lost the attention of the public. Still others have never been able to gather momentum, despite the fact that they were related to cases of personal enrichment through mishandling of large public funds or presumed funding of political parties. It ought to be explained why some corruption-related themes have more propensity than others to attract the attention of important groups of the Bulgarian society. I would like to study what issues and what type of argumentation are able to concentrate the attention of specific social groups, as well as when - if at all - they succeed in provoking the involvement of several social groups or of the whole Bulgarian society.

 
Several hypotheses will be tested during this study. My initial assumption will be that a public scandal is related to common values that a specific social group feels as threatened. This approach was adopted by Jeffrey Alexander in his analysis of the Watergate scandal. J. Alexander (1990) demonstrated how the issue gathered momentum because new and larger groups in the American society identified their common values as being at risk. Using a paradigm largely influenced by T. Parsons, he assumed that there were values common to the whole American society. It will be interesting to see whether there are values adopted by all the groups in the contemporary Bulgarian society I will investigate.

 
At the same time, I will adopt a more partial approach based on the analysis of the concept of “ideology” done by Clifford Geertz (1993). Geertz argues that there are values common only to specific social groups, which are not necessarily adopted by the society as a whole, and one might expect these group to react when they feel their values are threatened. In this case, a large public scandal could be analyzed as a combination between several smaller scandals, when different social groups would get involved on different grounds and following a different logic.

 
Another important issue is what type of institutional actors (media, political parties, civic organizations) are able to trigger a public scandal. In researching it, I will largely rely on instruments already tested by Luc Boltanski in his analysis of the mechanisms of public scandals in France (Boltanski 1990).

 
My research will be based on in-depth interviews carried out with 28 individuals once per two months during one year. The respondents will be selected to cover a variety of age, gender, professional, and social-economic indicators. For the income indicator, I will rely on the studies of the Bulgarian sociologist Borjana Dimitrova who identified important differences between groups with an income of less than 150 BGL per member of the household as compared to richer people. 8 of my respondents will be inhabitants of a village, another 8 will be residents of a small town, and 12 will live in the capital city of Sofia. 6 interviews will be carried out with each of them, once per two months.

 
The interview questionnaire will consist of two parts, the first largely standardized and common for all the interviewed, and the second semi-directed, based on open questions. The first part will check which corruption cases discussed in the media or by the local community have attracted the attention of the respondents. Additional questions will be how the respondents learned about the cases, what they think about them, whether they can compare them to other corruption cases they find similar, and why. The second part will be designed specifically for each respondent. At this stage and with the advance of my research, I expect significant divergences concerning the issues identified as interesting for the specific social groups. The aim of the interviews will be to understand which one of the current corruption-related scandals managed to attract the attention of the interviewed, and why. Here I will investigate the particular causes that provoked the personal involvement of the respondent.

 
The research will rely heavily on earlier studies as well as qualitative and quantitative data collected at a much larger scale and with much larger resources. Especially useful will be the data collected during the projects “The State of Bulgarian Society”, organized by Open Society Foundation in 2002, “Social Pessimism in Bulgaria”, organized by the Centre for Liberal Strategies in 2003, the annual poverty reports of the World Bank, and the corruption indexes monitored by the local branch of Transparency International (in cooperation with IMIR) and Coalition 2000. The current results of my fieldwork will be compared with the data from the corruption indexes.

 
I hope that this research will advance our understanding on several problems. First, we will learn more about the structure of the contemporary Bulgarian society. Investigating public scandals will allow us to see whether there are values common for the whole society, or values that command the loyalties of large social groups. This study will be in direct dialogue with the “State of Bulgarian Society” project. My assumption will be that the notion of corruption might be related to diverging or even opposing values.

 
Second, I will investigate issues that attract the attention of different social groups and the way they use corruption discourses. My initial hypothesis will be that the notion of corruption might be used in a variety of ways. It can be employed as a bargaining tool by specific social groups, for example when business associations lobby for lesser state regulations. It can be employed as an interpretative tool, for example when the “new poor” look for explanation of the social inequalities emerging in the last decade. Further, it can be employed as a discursive strategy providing an excuse for personal failures, as Michael Herzfeld’s analysis (1992) of skepticism in Greece demonstrates, etc.

 
Third, we will understand better the links between corruption scandals and potential social action. If corruption scandals are related primarily to bargaining or interpretative strategies rather than to reactions against what is perceived as a threat to basic social values, there is lesser ground to expect wider social action.

 
Fourth, we will learn more about the capacity of different actors (media, political parties, civic organizations) to launch a public scandal related to corruption, their credibility and their potential to reach and influence different audiences. 

 
Last but not least, we will learn more about what the corruption indexes actually measure. Corruption indexes in Bulgaria are based on public perceptions of this phenomenon. The handicaps of this approach have been discussed by leading political and social scientists. However, perceptions remain the basic indicator to be counted since real transactions remain extremely difficult to be observed and calculated (for a valiant effort to get access to hard data at a micro level see Ritva Reinikka and Jakob Skensson, 2003). The study proposed here might offer useful insights on what the surveyed “public perceptions” are based upon, who might influence them and what is their relation to potential political action. The results of my project might be used both for improving the tools for measuring corruption and for making a more detailed analysis of the impressive amount of data already collected by various corruption surveys.

 

 

References:

 

Alexander, Jeffrey, 1990 Culture and Political Crisis: Watergate and Durkheimian Sociology. In: Alexander, Jeffrey (ed.) Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 187-224.

 Boltanski, Luc, 1990 L’Amour et la justice comme competences. Trois essais de sociologie de l’action. Editions Metailie, Paris.

 Hellman, Joel S., Geraint Jones, Daniel Kaufmann, and Mark Schankerman, 2000 Measuring Governance, Corruption, and State Capture. Policy Research Working Paper 2312, World Bank, Washington DC, <www.worldbank.org>.

 Herzfeld, Michael, 1992 The Social Production of Indifference. Exploring the Symbolic Roots of Western Bureaucracy. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London.

 Geertz, Clifford, 1993 (1973) Ideology as a Cultural System. In: The Interpretation of Cultures. Fontana Press, London, 193 -233.   

 Reinikka, Ritva and Jakob Svensson, 2003 Survey Techniques to Measure and Explain Corruption. Policy Research Working Paper 3017, World Bank, Washington DC, <www.worldbank.org>.