Improving Culture Funding
in Ukraine
Policy Paper
During the 1990s, financial conditions of the majority of Ukrainian cultural institutions deteriorated dramatically, while the social status and the incomes of cultural sector workers became remarkably lower. Public subsidies to cultural organizations have been plummeting in 1993-1998. The amounts increased in 1999-2001, but they have been declining both as a share of Ukraine’s GNP and as a share of national budget.
Cultural participation fell dramatically in the 1990s, so did the number of public libraries, cinemas and houses of culture. Ukrainians buy much less books and newspapers, less often visit cinemas, theaters and museums than twenty or even ten years ago. The state’s financial support to non-public cultural organizations and to cultural industries is negligible. Ukraine’s public cultural sector virtually avoided privatization.
Actual funding policy
The actual policy of culture funding in Ukraine consists of: financial maintenance (full or partial) of public cultural/artistic institutions from public budgets; public fundng of major cultural actions of «national importance»; some tax benefits to non-profit organizations (including some, but not all types of public cultural organizations), to charities and corporate arts donors; limited protectionism of some cultural industries (book publishing); routine subsidies to mainstream artistic associations but virtual absence of institutionalized public financial support to private cultural organizations and NGOs; finally, underdeveloped competitive mechanisms of cultural project funding.
There are several shortcomings in the existing practice of public
subsidizing of culture: the instability of the structure of cultural
expenditure in the National budget, its disproportionate character, lack of
clear priorities, the marginal role of
project-oriented funding schemes; the periodical budget underfunding of culture
which has become almost a rule through the 1990s (actual public subsidies around
70% of the planned level).
Subsidies to public theaters, museums, libraries, houses of culture are
usually big enough only to cover maintenance of buildings and employee payment.
Museums routinely lack money for research and new acquisitions, libraries buy
very few new publications; cultural centers can usually hire only one or two
half-time employees.
Earned income has become a crucial source of income not only for
theaters and performong arts, but even for libraries and museums whose earning
capacity has been traditionally low. Efforts to earn more
(hereby compensating the insufficiency of subsidies) are in many aspects
impeded by inadequate state policy, especially when it comes to tax incentives.
Administration
Since 1991, the institutional network of cultural administration
underwent little reform. Cultural sector is administered on the national level
by several government agencies (Ministry of culture and arts, Ministry of
information policy, National Council for broadcasting etc), with rather little
coordination between them. Ministry of culture and the arts, although declared
to be the main government agency for cultural policy, is in fact in charge of
state-owned cultural institutions. Its influence local cultural administration
is rather weak. It seems that Ministry
of Finance is a more powerful actor in regional cultural policy, because it
defines the recommended levels of culture funding in the regions.
In the early 1990’s, the
majority of public cultural organizations were transferred to regional and
local ownership and, parallel to this, funding of these became a responsibility
of regional and local budgets. However, this process was not supported by
much-needed increase in budget revenues of the regions. As a result of this,
the decentralization in culture brought about financial deterioration of many
public cultural institutions. However, a proper reform of budgeting system
could bring new life into this strategy.
Legislation
Ukrainian culture-related legislation can be assessed as deeply
heterogeneous, incomplete and lacking conceptual integrity. Comparing our
legislation to that of neighboring Poland or Russia, we can conclude that our
law is perhaps the least culture-friendly: it provides little tax relief for
earning by cultural organizations; it offers weak incentives for private donors
to culture; there is no specific law on non-profit organizations. Legal
protectionism for cultural industries in Ukraine is also the least developed
among the three countries.
Proposed
policy changes
The analysis of the actual
situation in Ukrainian cultural sector shows that the State spends too little
on culture; it can and must spend remarkably more. In other words, a
substantial increase in public expenditure for culture is needed.
The
existing schemes of public funding in cultural sector are inefficient and
ineffective; they can and must be improved. Financial priorities on all levels
of public cultural administration should be reconsidered.
The system of program
budgeting, as prescribed by the acting Budget Code of Ukraine, also needs
serious corrections with regards of cultural expenditure.
Introduction of combined
funding schemes: from public budgets, from private donations and earned funds
from provided cultural services is needed for all types of cultural
organizations. Also, competition-based schemes of funding should be developed.
However, subsidies from
public budgets, even substantially increased, will be still insufficient for
sustainable development of Ukrainian culture; hence a need for the following
reforms:
- introduction of basic
network of public cultural organizations, alongside
désétatisation of the rest;
- improvement of the
legislation regulating earning and private patronage in cultural sector, so as
to make it more encouraging and supportive;
- introduction of
protectionist legislation for Ukrainian cultural industries (music, film,
publishing).
1. Issue description
1.1.The situation of cultural sector in Ukraine
As a result of Soviet
‘civilizing’ cultural policy, a massive public cultural infrastructure was
created in Ukraine, totally administered and funded by Soviet party-state. On
the other hand, this infrastructure was weaker than, for instance, those of neighboring Soviet Russia or ‘socialist’ Poland.
After the fall of the USSR, the process of the
build-up of independent Ukrainian nation-state has began, and a Renaissance of
Ukrainian national culture has been expected. However, with ideological freedom
and market reforms, something rather
surprising has been happening, namely: expansion of Russophone cultural
industries, now mostly private. Traditional (that is, pre-electronic) cultural
practices were shrinking in the ‘90s, print runs of newspapers and magazines,
as well as domestic film production have been plummeting.
During the 1990s, financial conditions of the majority of Ukrainian
cultural institutions have deteriorated dramatically, while the social status
and the incomes of Ukrainian artists (and other professionals in cultural
sector as well) became remarkably lower than, for instance, during Gorbachev’s
“perestroika” period.
Cultural participation (at least in public cultural sector) fell
dramatically in the 1990s, so did the number of libraries, cinemas and ‘houses
of culture’ (local cultural organizations which have been founded from local
budgets). Today, Ukrainians buy much less books and newspapers, less often
visit cinemas, theaters and museums than twenty or even ten years ago (although
a slight increase has been noticed in recent couple of years).
Many critics believe that the state is the first to be blamed, because
of its inadequate and inert cultural policy (or even absence of a sensible and
articulated cultural policy at all). More moderate observers also point at some
‘objective’ reasons for the culture’s difficult situation: first, the ongoing
post-communist transformation of cultural practices in a society now much more
open and free than before; second, dramatic decline in people’s incomes
(Ukraine’s GDP fell by more than a half in 1991-97). An average Ukrainian
simply does not have enough money for theaters, cinemas, new books and
non-pirated CDs and videos, not to mention personal computers.
There are other factors blamed for a sorry plight of Ukrainian cultural
sector: for instance, the rapidly increasing flow of mass-cultural imports from
the West and from Russia. As a result, Ukrainian cultural markets and
electronic media are dominated by Russian books, American films, Russian and
Western pop-music. Some critics argue that this poses a threat to Ukrainian
cultural development and, in the long run, to Ukrainian national identity.
On the other hand, a great number of vibrant non-state
cultural industries evolved in Ukraine during the ‘90s which resulted in
radical change of the ratio between public and private sectors in culture,
especially in popular and mass culture industries. However, the state’s financial support to non-public cultural
organizations, to show-business and music industry is negligible.
In our analysis we will, first, try to demarcate economic and financial aspects of the current cultural situation in Ukraine, then analyze in detail both the financial situation of cultural sector and the existing policies, so as to find out whether these policies really address the existing problems. If they do, we will try to measure how effective and efficient they are in practice, and if something does not work, how can it be fixed. If certain problems are not addressed, we will attempt to propose some new policies to deal with such problems.
1.2. Current policy of public funding of culture
There are three major
elements in the policy of culture
funding:
- policy of financing of
cultural organizations;
- policy on cultural
industries and market of cultural goods and services;
- policy on arts sponsorship
and charitable activities in cultural sector.
Actual policy of culture
funding in Ukraine consists, basically, in the following:
a)
the policy of financial maintenance (full or partial) of public
cultural/artistic institutions from the state budget or from local budgets
(depending on subordination);
b)
the policy of budget financing of major cultural actions of «national
importance» and, respectively, budget financing of important local cultural
actions from local budgets;
c)
the policy of the state’s permanent financial support to mainstream
artistic associations (National creative unions).
d)
certain tax benefits to non-profit organizations, including some (but
not all) types of public cultural organizations;
e)
state protectionism (rather limited) of some domestic cultural
industries (specifically, book publishing);
f)
certain tax benefits to charities and corporate arts donors;
g)
virtual absence of institutionalized public financial support to
private cultural organizations;
h)
underdeveloped competitive mechanisms of culture funding (contests for
grants, scholarships etc.).
This rather complicated
configuration of current cultural policy in Ukraine is a result of both Soviet
and post-Soviet developments; of preservation of some key elements of Soviet
culture funding policy as well as introduction of some new elements in the ‘90s
(tax incentives to non-profit organizations). The main reason for the
preservation of the «Soviet» mechanisms of culture funding is the need to keep
the vast network of subsidized public cultural organizations (museums,
libraries, theatres, houses of culture etc).
Before we turn to detailed examination of the existing trends in culture
funding, we have to study the legal and institutional background. Specifically,
the following aspects should be discussed:
-
the
system of cultural administration (including existing schemes of funding);
-
general
principles of cultural policy and culture-related legislation;
-
main
stockholders in cultural policy issues.
1.2.1. Cultural administration
The system of cultural administration in Soviet Ukraine or, rather, in the USSR as
a whole (that is, Ministry of Culture, other culture-related State departments in charge of the press or
of radio & TV) was virtually unfit
for independent policy making for the simple reason that it wasn’t meant for
this. The Communist Party was the only political decision-maker.
After 1991, political
situation changed dramatically, but the institutional network of cultural
administration underwent little reform. In contemporary Ukraine, cultural
sector in broader meaning is administered on the national level by several
government agencies (Ministry of culture and arts, State Committee of
information policy, television and radio; State Committee for youth policy,
sports and tourism; National Council for television and radio broadcasting).
Most of them are coordinated by Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine for Humanitarian
Affairs, and each of them (and some other government bodies) have budget
expenses for culture and arts.
The Ministry of culture and
the arts of Ukraine, although declared to be the main government agency for
cultural policy, is in fact in charge of public cultural sector in narrow
meaning (music and performing arts, plastic arts, film, libraries, cultural
heritage, artistic education). The Ministry funds and controls nearly 130
state-owned cultural organizations and has some recommendational power over
all other public cultural
organizations. These organizations (over 45 thousand of theaters, museums,
libraries, cinemas, artistic schools, community cultural centers, or ‘houses of
culture’) are administered and funded by local government bodies.
Regional government agencies
(Oblast Administrations, Raion Administrations) and local Councils have Directorates
for culture or Departments for culture in their structure to take care of local
public cultural organizations and cultural activities.
Financial responsibilities of the Ministry of culture and of local
cultural administrations are rather different. The Ministry’s care focuses on
National cultural organizations (theaters, opera houses, museums etc), artistic
colleges and circuses. It also dedicates nearly 40% of its expenses to
performing arts, festivals, exhibitions of national importance. On the other
hand, local authorities fund most of public libraries, theaters and museums
which are under local subordination.
The influence of the
Ministry of Culture on local cultural administration is rather weak. It seems that the Ministry of Finance is a more
powerful actor in regional (local) cultural policy, because it defines the
recommended levels of culture funding in Oblast budgets. Since late 1980s,
several thousand independent cultural organizations have been developing in
Ukraine (theaters, publishing houses, musical groups, recording studios, art
galleries, etc.). However, public agencies in charge of cultural sector don’t
feel obliged to help them, financially in particular. The only funding scheme
designed for non-public artistic organizations or individuals that exists in
Ukraine today is the President’s grants for younger artists.
1.2.2. Culture-related
legislation
Ukrainian culture-related
legislation can be assessed as deeply heterogeneous, incomplete and lacking
conceptual integrity. The reasons for such assessment are that, first,
while there has been a number of recently approved modern and liberally looking
culture-related bills, too many aspects of daily activities of public cultural
institutions (especially funding) still has been regulated by old by-laws
(so-called ‘normative documents’) inherited from the USSR; second, many new
developments of post-communist cultural life (for instance, private artistic
organizations and cultural NGOs) are still not supported by appropriate legal
base (state support to independent cultural organizations is never mentioned in
Ukrainian culture-related bills); third, the ineffectiveness and
numerous internal contradictions present in some culture-related bills can be
understood as a result of confusing mix of different ideologies and values underlying them: modern democracy
and market liberalism coexist with
XIX-century-style nation-building ideas; state paternalism coexists with
laissez-faire approach to cultural industries, not to mention some elements of
multiculturalism coexisting with ethnocentric notion of Ukrainian nation.
Comparing Ukrainian
culture-related legislation to that of neighboring post-Communist countries,
such as Poland or Russia, we can conclude that Ukrainian law is perhaps the least
culture-friendly: it provides very little tax relief for earning by cultural
organizations; it offers very weak incentives for private donors to culture and
the arts.
Ukraine also lacks a specific law on non-profit organizations while in
Poland and Russia such laws have been acting for quite a while.
Legal protectionism for cultural industries in Ukraine is also the least
developed among the three countries, despite the fact that the share of
domestic cultural goods in Ukraine is the lowest among the three countries.
1.2.3. Stockholders in cultural policy
Once we take a look at the positions of major political forces in
Ukraine on cultural issues, it is not difficult to come to the conclusion that
there is no broad consensus on basic
principles and concrete mechanism of public cultural policy. Still worse,
cultural policy issues seem to be of marginal importance for all of them.
Major political groups in
Ukraine (usually divided into: the left, the national democrats, the liberal
reformers, and the ‘centrists’ a.k.a.
‘the party of power’) tend to treat cultural issues as a sometimes useful
means of achieving more important political goals, particularly those related
to nation-building or identity-shaping, or to geopolitical issues (relations
with Russia and the West). This results in rather weak initiative of Ukrainian
Parliament in culture-related issues.
Regional and local authorities and regional elites seldom take an active
role in cultural policy issues of national scale (save for the issue of the
status and the use of the Russian language in Ukraine).
On the other hand, the groups that can be called ‘industrial lobbies’
(those representing book industry, film industry, musical industry and
show-business in Ukraine) tend to be much more active in policy making process.
These industrial lobbies usually represent their initiatives as serving best
interests of Ukrainian economy and society as a whole, although this is not
necessarily so, as public discussions on book publishing policy has shown.
The interests of industrial
lobbies and of major groups in cultural/artistic community are represented by
several NGO’s, including the mainstream (National) artistic unions and the
newer ones, like the Association of Ukrainian book publishers. However, these groups
are still much less powerful than government bodies in promoting the interests
of cultural sector.
1.2.4. Current trends in culture funding
a) Direct budget subsidies
Public
subsidies to cultural organizations still remain the major source of their
income in Ukraine, which makes its public cultural sector very vulnerable in
times of budget difficulties.
As financial statistics show, public funding of culture in Ukraine
plummeted in 1993-1998, and although the nominal amount increased in 1999-2001,
it has been declining both as a share of Ukraine’s GNP and as a share of State
budget.
Although
Ukraine’s per capita GDP has been almost 75% of that of Russia, Ukraine’s
public cultural expenses per capita (approx. $ 1,8 in 2002) remain disproportionately lower than those of
Russia ($5). Poland’s public cultural expenses per capita are almost 10 times
higher than ours.
Alongside
the apparently insufficient amount of public financial support to cultural
sector, there are several shortcomings in the existing practice of public
subsidizing of culture: the instability of the structure of cultural
expenditure in the National budget, its disproportionate character, lack of
clear priorities, the marginal role of
project-oriented (effect-led) funding schemes. But the most depressing effects
have been caused arguably by periodical budget underperformance which has
become almost a rule through the 1990s. The level of actual subsidies from
national budget tended to be around 70% of the planned level. Still worse, this
underfunding is not spread over all major items more or less equally; it
usually differs remarkably for different groups of organizations which can be
interpreted as the use of underfunding as a kind of policy tool. The
introduction of the new Budget Code (2001) supposed to assure transition to the
(arguably more effective) system of program-budgeting, in fact brought about no
change for better in cultural sector.
The
very wording of corresponding articles of the Budget Code apparently signifies
a controversial compromise between the explicitly stated principle of program
budgeting and the still valid principle of permanent financial support to the
existing network of public cultural organizations.
Although the Budget Code speaks about cultural/artistic «programs» as the grounds of funding, it in fact obliges the State and local authorities to fund existing public cultural organizations (even those which may seem to be commercial enterprises, like circuses or some musical organizations). On the other hand, it effectively prohibits to finance from State budget those independent cultural organizations which are not included in the «Inventory» approved by the Government. This results in the situation when an independent cultural organization can get some funds from the state only if it takes part in a major state-sponsored cultural event.
All
this brings us to the conclusion of the
necessity of at least two important changes in culture funding on the
national level: first, a remarkable increase (even by 50% or even more) of the
amount of state subsidy to culture is needed; second, program budgeting
principles need adaptation to the peculiarities of cultural sector.
b) Funding through targeted programs
Alongside direct subsidies to public cultural organizations, the scheme of funding through targeted programs is used in Ukraine.
There are four main reasons for the use of targeted programs as cultural policy tool:
- first, targeted programs serve as a means of making the Government’s work more effect-oriented and evaluable (comparing to routine subsidizing of public organizations);
- second, with the routine one year budgeting spin, targeted programs (for a period of 3, 5 or more years) can serve as a means of planning and accomplishing something which can not be achieved in one year period;
- third, national-scale targeted programs usually combine national, regional, local funding and non-public resources, which cannot be achieved by routine subsidizing schemes;
- fourth, specific targeted programs seem to be indispensable if there is a large-scale problem which cannot be solved in a routine way, that is, if much more than usual amount of public resources is needed to cope with it.
However, when one looks at culture-related programs in the broader context
of target programming in public budgeting in Ukraine, one easily sees their marginal place among the state’s priorities; while there
are 18 culture-related programs out of 182, their share in total funding is
only 0,4% and in total budget funding it is only 0,27%.
Lack of general
rules on composition, contents and certification of targeted programs, clearly
visible in the contents and the legal status of the existing culture-related
targeted programs, further undermines their efficiency and effectiveness.
c) Funding from regional and local budgets
Local
administration’s financial priorities in public cultural sector are libraries
(19-20%), museums (8-10%), theaters (10-12%) and local cultural centers, or
‘houses of culture’ (23-24%).
The
data on actual public cultural expenditure in Ukraine’s regions not only show
that we are much poorer than Poland in this regard, but also illustrate the
relevance and effectiveness of the government’s policy in this sphere. Budget
subsidies to local public theaters, museums, libraries, houses of culture are
usually big enough only to cover maintenance of buildings and employee payment.
Museums routinely lack money for research and new acquisitions, libraries buy
very few new publications, and community cultural centers are perhaps in the
most desperate situation especially in poorer regions: many of them can hire
only one or two half-time employees, not to mention repairs or purchase of new
equipment.
In
such situation, the state is expected to encourage regional and local
administration bodies to increase their cultural expenditure. However, this is
not the case in Ukraine.
When
we compare actual per capita spending in each region to budget funding norms
recommended by the Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, we can see that actual
funding is usually remarkably higher (for city of Kyiv, almost 5 times higher)
than the level recommended from above. This brings us to the pessimistic
conclusion that the recommended budget
funding norms promoted by the Ministry of Finance are insufficient and
unrealistic and, in the long run, the
Ministry of Finance’s regional cultural policy embodied in the “recommended
norms” is counterproductive.
This
is why it is highly recommended that the process of determining amounts of
transfers from national budget to regional budgets (which is a function of the
Ministry of Finance and strongly depends on available budget resources) be
separated from calculation of regional needs in public funds for cultural
sector. As a means of improving the efficiency of public funding of culture in
the regions, the introduction of basic
network of public cultural institutions is recommended, whereby the
institutions not included in this network shall be désétatised.
d) Earned income &
donations
Although budget funding
remains the main source of income for public cultural organizations, earned income is also very important for
many of them.
Statistics show how vital
earned income is for public artistic organizations in Ukraine. Let’s take the
theaters. Although it was planned for 2000 that they would get 6/7 of their
revenues from state budget and earn only 1/7, in fact they earned almost 1/3,
while state subsidies were lower than
planned and covered only 2/3 of their expenses instead of 6/7.
With
remarkable underfunding from state budget to state-owned cultural institutions
in Ukraine in 2001 and 2002, earned income has become a crucial source of
income even for libraries and museums whose earning capacity has been
traditionally low.
The comparison of the growth in public subsidies to the
growth in earned income can bring us to the suggestion that essential increase
in subsidies generates bigger earnings, due to improvement in quality and
variety of shows. However, this hypothetical
dependence is not proportional: too small increase in subsidies does not
produce quality change and, therefore, does not induce increase in box office;
on the other hand, when the increase in subsidies is too big, it is difficult
to use it properly, which results in disproportionately low or even zero
increase in earnings. Of course, this hypothesis does not take into account
such important factors as financial capacities of theatrical audiences in
different cities.
The amount of public subsidy is usually adequate only to
cover employee payments and expenses for maintenance of buildings. Expenses for
core activities (new theater shows, new exhibitions etc.) are usually covered
from earned income. In some cases, part
of earned income is also spent on heating, electricity and routine repairs.
What
are possible ways of improvement of the financial situation of
public cultural organizations? The most obvious way is increase in budget
subsidies. This is what Ukrainian cultural managers have been constantly
demanding (but without much success). The second way is to assure increase in
earned income, either from core activities, or from other sources (lease of
premises, merchandizing, advertising services etc.). The statistics show that
this way has been extensively used by public cultural organizations in Ukraine,
and with remarkable success. However, the goal of maximizing earned income
(especially from non-related activities) to some extent contradicts the mission
of the subsidized artistic organizations, which is more about cultural public
service than about money earning.
Another
obvious way to increase incomes is to introduce special reduced or zero rate of
VAT for cultural services.
Finally, there are several ways to make the use of earned
and subsidized costs more effective and efficient. For instance, extensive use
of individual contracts in hiring artistic personnel would can not only save
some money, but bring about remarkable increase in artistic quality.
Summarizing, the efforts to earn more (hereby
compensating the insufficiency of public subsidies) are in many aspects impeded
by inadequate state policy, especially when it comes to tax incentives for
cultural organizations and arts donors.
e) Indirect financing and
cultural protectionism
Beside
public subsidies and earnings, there are other potentially important sources of
income, that is charitable donations and private/corporate sponsorship, which
also need more favorable legal environment.
Financial
statistics of different types of cultural organizations in Ukraine show that,
first, amount of officially declared charitable donations are very low; second,
there are signs that cultural organizations tend to hide the real amounts of
incomes obtained from sponsorship and private donations. The reasons for this
are insufficient tax incentives for both donors and recipients.
The
issue of protectionism toward domestic cultural goods and services has been
widely discussed for a few years in Ukraine. The reasons usually given for
aggressive introducing of such policy include the crisis in Ukrainian cultural
industries, the dominance of imported [popular] cultural produce (films, books,
music) in Ukrainian markets, and, quite importantly, the successful
protectionist policies in Russia. Estimated share of Ukrainian books in our
market is 7-9 %; the share of Ukrainian music and films is even smaller.
However, tax exemption of domestic cultural produce covers only book publishing
so far. It seems highly reasonable to introduce similar measures also for film
and musical productions.
2.
Policy considerations
2.1. Policy problem
Summarizing all said before,
we can describe the policy problem we have to deal with as financial
deterioration of cultural sector in contemporary Ukraine, which resulted in
lower cultural participation, lower quality of many cultural services, and in
retarded development of modern cultural industries.
The main reasons for this deterioration are:
insufficient funding, by which we mean unsatisfactory level of all major
sources of funding (public subsidies, earned income, private charitable
donations); as well as virtual lack of investments in cultural industries and
insufficient level of indirect financing through tax relieves and exemptions.
Since public subsidies from
state and local budget remain the main source of income for cultural sector in
Ukraine, the problems of budgeting for culture are of key importance.
Public budget funding in
Ukraine is not only insufficient, but also inefficient and, for the most part,
effect-blind. The existing schemes of budget funding are obsolete and
inflexible, the newer ones are often poorly designed, lacking transparency and
equity.
As for other sources of
income for cultural sector, the State’s policy is either unfriendly (numerous
constraints on earning and spending for public cultural organizations) or
ineffective (tax benefits and direct investments are too small, non-profit
status is difficult to obtain, etc).
The general problem of
culture funding can be divided into a number of sub-problems; each of them
caused by a set of more or less intertwined factors.
For instance, insufficience
of budget subsidies to cultural sector is caused by general budget crisis in
Ukraine, imperfect mechanisms of budgeting as well as by so-called «residual
approach» to cultural needs. Effects of these factors may overlap (unfriendly
taxation causes both low earned income and insufficient charitable
donations), which means that, by
eliminating these causes we can remove obstacles for more than one source of
financing.
Structurization of the policy
problem is presented in Chart 1.
Chart 1.
Structuring financial
problems of cultural sector
Problem: Economic/financial
deterioration of cultural organizations.
Causes of the problem:
1. Relative decrease in budget subsidies to culture and their efficiency
1.1. General budget crisis
in Ukraine
1.2. Imperfect budgeting
system
1.3. Low priority of
cultural needs for the Government
1.4. No clear priorities in
culture funding
2. Difficulties in increasing earned income
2.1. Decreasing income of the
population, lower demand for cultural goods/services
2.2. The rise of competing
forms of leisure and of cultural imports
2.3. Unfriendly taxation,
administrative constraints
3. Insufficient private/corporate sponsorship and donations
3.1. Unfriendly taxation,
lack of incentives for donors
3.2. Lack of philanthropic
traditions
3.3. Lack of fundraising
skills among cultural managers
2.2. Strategic policy
alternatives
2.2.1.
Re-nationalization (re-centralization)
This alternative means
remarkable increase in State intervention in cultural sector as a remedy for
its miserable financial situation. In its mildest form, such an approach would
mean sheer increase in public expenditure for culture; in more radical
versions, it can be accompanied by restored administrative control over
important cultural institutions.
A raison d’etre for this strategy is the disillusionment with market
reforms in cultural sector, shared by many, and the belief that nothing can
replace the State as major donor for culture. It seems natural for many that
the state, as the major agent of the public interest, not only funds cultural
organizations, but also controls them so that taxpayers’ money are spent
“properly”.
The demand of radical
increase in budget expenditure for culture raised by the majority of cultural
community in Ukraine, with its public cultural expenses of $2 per capita per
year, is well grounded but hard to achieve in the nearest future.
With regards of the increase
in administrative involvement of the State (re-centralization),
situation looks different.
In Ukraine, unlike Russia,
such trends are rather sporadic and inconsistent. Several regional cultural
organizations has applied for the status of National
cultural institutions, because funding from State budget looks more reliable to
them. However, financial capabilities of the State are quite limited, and
culture doesn’t belong to the Government’s top policy priorities. This makes
the option of re-nationalization not very feasible both economically and politically
here. Neither it looks very efficient, because routine budget funding of
state-owned cultural organizations tends to be inflexible, effect-blind and
discourages fundraising activities. In other words, a reform of mechanisms of
budget funding can be more efficient and effective than mere increase in the
amount of funds not accompanied by such reform.
2.2.2.
Decentralization
In terms of financing, this
policy strategy means a major shift of financial responsibilities in cultural
sector from national to regional and local budgets. This strategy has been
tried in many East European countries. However, it became obvious quite soon
that decentralization has its financial and political limits, and the
preservation of both the network of national cultural institutions and of
remarkable amount of state funding for culture are still indispensable.
In Ukraine in the early
1990’s, the majority of public cultural organizations was transferred to
regional and local ownership and, parallel to this, the funding of these became
a responsibility of regional and local budgets. However, this process was not
supported by much-needed increase in budget revenues of the regions. As a
result of this, the decentralization of cultural and funding policy in Ukraine
brought about financial deterioration of many cultural institutions.
However, a proper reform of
budgeting system could bring new life into this strategy. The actual policies
of culture funding in many regions (where much more money has been given to
cultural sector that the national government recommends) seem to confirm this
optimism.
2.2.3.Désétatisation
Unlike Poland and Russia
where cultural industries (book publishing, film, music and show business) have
been predominantly privatized during the 1990s, Ukraine’s public cultural
sector virtually avoided privatization.
This does not mean of course
that there is no private book publishing or private show business in Ukraine;
on the contrary, private sector dominates these industries, but it came along
with negligible state support.
The problem of privatization
(désétatisation) can be articulated as follows:
- What extent and form can
désétatisation take to be helpful in solving financial problems
of the cultural sector without damaging the “public interests”?
The following answer is
proposed here:
1) “Classical” privatization (as a sell-out of assets to private
investors) would almost certainly fail, because cultural assets are
unattractive to big investors, while those willing to invest in culture usually
don’t have enough money for big purchases.
2)
Désétatisation of those cultural organizations which will not be
placed among “basic public cultural institutions” (therefore subsidies to them
will became problematic) can be effective as a means of assuring them better
conditions for earning and fundraising.
In legal terms, the
désétatisation can mean transformation of formerly public
institutions into non-profit NGOs. However, under contemporary circumstances,
this can be counter-productive if désétatized organizations loose
all public funding they previously got. The continuity (at least partial) of
public financial support, therefore, is a precondition for effective
désétatisation.
3) The rise of a strong and
sustainable third sector in Ukrainian culture (the ultimate goal of the
désétatisation) is hardly possible without a more
culture-friendly tax system. It would be a very useful (if not very original)
idea for Ukraine to imitate Polish or Russian tax systems: in both countries
the majority of cultural organizations and activities are tax-exempt.
2.2.4 “Leaving the things as they are”
This strategy presupposes no
radical changes in the existing policy of cultural funding.
In positive terms, this
inert strategy has been articulated as a policy of “preservation of the
existing network of public cultural organizations”.
This policy also means that
no big increase in the amounts of public funding should be expected. At the
first glance, this strategy would not bring big changes in the cultural sector.
However, this conclusion is
too optimistic and superficial, because, after the decade or under-funding and
inflation, the majority of public cultural venues (which are formally preserved
by the state’s policy) is in bad shape; modern technical equipment can hardly
be found there, and every other library or house of culture has enough funds
only for one part-time employee.
This means that lack of
policy changes can easily make the process of decay in provincial cultural
organizations irreversible.
However, the “residual
approach” to cultural sector makes the
“leave things as they are” strategy preferable for the government.
2.2.5.
Preferable policy alternative
We can summarize this review
of possible policy options by concluding that neither of them, taken
separately, can cure financial problems of Ukrainian culture, but there are
certain elements in each of the strategies which can be effectively applied
without contradicting each other.
Having political will, the
state can achieve certain increase in budget financing (or, if sheer increase
in the amount of funds does not look feasible, can make funding more efficient and effective by
using modern, more diverse and sophisticated schemes of funding). It can also
focus on creating favorable conditions for cultural organizations to earn more
by themselves (by providing tax incentives and lifting many of the existing
administrative constraints on earning for subsidized cultural institutions).
These two options are not alternatives
to each other, they can easily be combined. However, tax incentives mean
revenue losses for the budget, and the traditionally-thinking Ukrainian
government will perhaps prefer the first option in its moderate form, that is,
a modest increase in budget subsidies to culture. It is hard to believe that
this will radically change the situation for better.
As for the problem of the
lack of clear priorities in culture funding, an introduction of explicit
funding priorities can also be politically dangerous: those employed in those
public cultural organizations which will fall into «low priority» bracket (and
this can mean more than 100,000 people) will of course protest angrily.
The perspective of
increasing charitable donations to culture must not be overlooked, too, since
grants from Western charities remain a major source of income for many cultural
NGOs. This goal can be achieved by increasing tax incentives and by promoting
public/private partnership in cultural sector.
An important reason for
insufficient earned income and negligible private donations to many cultural
organizations, both public and private, is the lack of modern managerial and
fundraising skills among Ukrainian cultural workers. Public cultural
administrations can help them by organizing free-of charge training courses,
workshops etc.
3. Policy recommendations
A.
Improvement of funding schemes
1) A
substantial increase in general public expenditure for culture is needed.
Comparisons with Russia, where public cultural infrastructure and economic
situation are similar to Ukraine, demonstrate that under our
circumstances, the reasonable level of
public cultural expenses per capita can be estimated as $4-5, that is public
expenditure for culture in Ukraine can be increased at least twice.
2)
Financial priorities on all levels of public cultural administration should be
reconsidered. In particular,
-
funding of grand-scale actions “of national importance” can perhaps get
considerably less attention than it gets now; instead, more funds should go to
libraries, museums, filmmaking.
-
the unrealistic goal of preserving all existing public cultural institutions,
especially in small towns and villages with low budget potential, should be
transformed into the task of keeping a basic
network of important institutions, while the rest can be
désétatized.
- in
public subsidies to cultural organizations, more money should be dedicated to
core cultural activities, not only to salaries and keeping of buildings.
3)
The practice of “recommended levels” of per capita cultural funding applied now
by the Ministry of Finance should be radically reformed because of its
counter-productivity. A more relevant scheme of direct financial transfers
(subsidies) to regional budgets can be introduced.
B.
Legislation improvements and new funding schemes
1)
The system of program budgeting, as prescribed by the acting Budget Code of
Ukraine, needs serious corrections with regards of cultural expenditure. The
program budgeting approach can be used for defining budget subsidies to such
artistic institutions as theaters, operas, musical ensembles, film production
teams; while the (improved) scheme of routine maintenance funding seems to be
more adequate for libraries, museums, cultural centers.
2)
With insufficient budget funding, a set of culture-friendly changes in taxation
regulations seems to be necessary:
-
the regulations for non-profit organizations should be made more adequate
(today, NGO’s are in fact made non-eligible for any business activities, even
directly arts-related);
- a
combined funding: from public budgets, from private donations and earned funds
from cultural services, should be made legally permissible and practically
accessible for all types of cultural organizations, because today, privatized
cultural institutions have little chance to survive without public financial
support.
3)
More diverse schemes of public funding should be developed alongside the
existing ones, which under Ukrainian circumstances means the following:
-
development of competition-based schemes of funding (grant-giving) of cultural
projects; for which all cultural actors should be made eligible;
-
further development of the producer oriented funding scheme of film and theater
productions;
-
improvement of the already existing scheme of President’s Grants for prominent
artists; these grants should be at least made VAT-exempt.
C. Institutional changes and
policy capacity
1)
The Government’s policy capacity in cultural sphere should be increased:
information supply improved, inter-sectoral policy cooperation strengthened,
systemic sectoral research carried out.
2)
Quality of budget-making and of budget performance on the national level, with
regards of cultural expenditure, needs radical improvement, so as to get rid of
underfunding and lack of budget discipline.
However,
this problem is a part of the broader issue of quality of budgeting in Ukraine,
and hardly can be solved for cultural sector alone.
3) Subsidies from public
budgets, even when increased, will be still insufficient for sustainable
development of Ukrainian culture; hence a need for the introduction of basic network of public cultural organizations, alongside
désétatisation of the rest.
4)
Désétatisation (especially on local level) in the form of
transformation of public cultural institutions into NGOs should be started,
with continued financial support from local budgets to
désétatized organizations.
D. Cultural protectionism
1)
More active protectionist policies are necessary for such Ukrainian cultural
industries as film making, book publishing, music recording. Under contemporary
market conditions in Ukraine, only protectionist measures can save these
industries from decay and pretty marginal position. The forms of cultural
protectionism can be as follows:
-
tax relieves for cultural content-producers;
-
public commissioning of work of art and cultural services;
-
tax incentives for investments in Ukrainian cultural industries.
4.1. Communication Analysis
a) Public environment
The demands for substantial increase in public subsidies to culture have been raised by Ukrainian cultural/artistic community again and again since early 1990s. These demands have often been accompanied by demands for tax exemptions for public cultural organizations since mid-1990s. Ukrainian third sector organizations, on the other hand, have long been appealing for passing a special law on not-for-profit organizations, including cultural and artistic ones. There have been also periodical demands for bigger tax incentives for private and corporate donors and sponsors. However, all these debates didn’t draw much attention from the general public.
Culture-related industrial lobbies (NGOs and activist groups
representing interests of Ukrainian culture industries), worried by the
dominance of foreign products in Ukrainian cultural markets, have been
promoting protectionist tax regulations for domestic cultural products as early
as since 1995, since Russia successfully introduced tax exemptions for its book
publishing.
However, virtually all Ukrainian governments during this period have
been rather unimpressed by these demands and debates (save, perhaps, for the
bill supporting Ukrainian book publishing
passed in 2002-2005). Government officials used to respond to all such
demands that, first, there is not enough budget money for increase in subsidies
to culture; second, that new tax exemptions will only aggravate the budget crisis in Ukraine; third, that
the national economy and the society have more important problems than
insufficient funding of cultural sector.
On the other hand, a set of rather firm convictions and stereotypes have been shaped within the
cultural/artistic community during this period, specifically:
- that a radical increase in budget subsidies to cultural sector is the
only means to overcome financial difficulties of Ukrainian culture;
- that the existing public cultural infrastructure must be preserved;
- that the désétatisation/privatization brings no good for
culture, but is inevitably harmful.
The popularity of these (mis-)convictions helps one to explain why there
has been such lukewarm interest of culture-related public to the discussion on
the draft Law on Culture published
two years ago, or to the long-lasting debate on legal regulations on
non-for-profit activities: all these policy proposals contain no guarantees of
increase in public subsidies.
On the other hand, the attitude to protectionist regulations among the
cultural industries, the media community, and even among broader Ukrainian
public, has been much more interested and active. Specifically, the debate on
the Bill on State support to Ukrainian book publishing
(2002) has managed to stir up public opinion, engage political elites and, in
the long run, helped the promoters of the Bill to overcome the resistance of
the Ministry of Finance and even the President’s veto attempt.
This makes it possible to conclude that proposed changes in state
policies on culture funding can be made quite attractive to political elites,
the government and the broader public, if we manage to properly put them into
broader framework of the existing policies of support to domestic produce, of
European integration and of national identity shaping through culture.
4.2. Communication Tactics
a) Target audiences
Policy-making in cultural sector involves not only cultural administration (on the national, regional and local level) and representatives of cultural community, but also major government institutions (the President, the Cabinet of Ministers), as well as the Parliament with its major political groups.
Interests and demands of mass consumers of cultural goods and services should be taken into account as well.
When we take a look at the positions of major political forces in
Ukraine on cultural issues, it is not difficult to come to the conclusion that
the absence of broad consensus on basic
principles and concrete mechanisms of public cultural policy is not accidental:
Each of the major political
forces tends to treat cultural issues as a means of achieving “more important”
political goals, particularly those related to nation-building or
identity-shaping.
For the national democrats,
the usual point is that the state has not been firm and persistent enough in
serving interests of national culture: the state didn’t provide enough money
for Ukrainian film production and book publishing; the government fell short of
enforcing the Law on Ukrainian language
and the Law on Broadcasting.
The left-wing parties (Communists and their smaller allies)
traditionally raise a number of cultural issues in their political programs,
too. The most important among them are the role and status of Russian language
and the Western pop cultural invasion which allegedly corrupts our people and
undermines national values.
The groups that can be called
‘industrial lobbies’ (those representing the book industry, the film industry,
the musical industry and the show business in Ukraine) tend to be much more
active in cultural policy making.
The interests of industrial
lobbies and of different groups in cultural/artistic community are represented
by several NGO’s, including the mainstream (national) artistic unions and the
newer ones, like the Association of Ukrainian book publishers. However, these
groups are still less powerful than government bodies in promoting their
interests.
Still, the government
(Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and some of its departments, specifically the
Ministry of Finance) and the cultural/artistic community (especially those
employed in public cultural sector) will be the most important and hard
communication partners in the process of promoting the proposed policy changes:
first, because it will be quite difficult to convince the government to
increase public subsidies to cultural sector substantially; second, because
broader désétatisation in public cultural sector will be a hard
thing to swallow for those employed in it, and third, it will be impossible to
introduce the proposed policies without support of these partners.
b)
Policy positioning
The proposed policies can be
easily interpreted as an element of the broader policy of Ukraine’s movement
toward European Community, as put forward in President L.Kuchma’s address The European Choice of Ukraine. This
positioning looks especially natural when one turns to such policy measures as
the introduction of NPO-favourable legislation, bigger decentralization of
culture funding and désétatisation of certain parts of public
cultural infrastructure.
On the other hand,
protectionist measures aimed at supporting Ukrainian cultural industries (or,
more specifically, Ukrainian content-producers) fit quite well into the
policies of support of domestic producers of goods and services promoted by
many political and industrial groups in Ukraine.
c)
Objectives
The main objectives to be
achieved by proposed communication tactics are:
- to convince the government
that subsidies to cultural sector in public budgets must and can be
substantially increased;
- to convince the Parliament
that the proposed legal changes (the Basic Law for Culture, the NPO bill,
amendments for the Budget Code and the Tax Code) are necessary and urgent;
- to convince the
cultural/artistic community that the introduction of the basic network of
public cultural organizations (accompanied by désétatisation of
the rest) is inevitable and that its positive results will outweigh its
negative consequences;
- to undermine the existing
misperceptions of culture funding issues described above.
d)
Main messages to be communicated
1. The State spends too
little on culture; it can and must spend remarkably more.
2. The existing schemes of
public funding in cultural sector are inefficient/ineffective; they can and
must be improved.
3. Subsidies from public
budgets, even when increased, will be still insufficient for sustainable
development of Ukrainian culture; hence a need for the following reforms:
- introduction of basic
network of public cultural organizations, alongside
désétatisation of the rest;
- improvement of legislation
regulating earning and private patronage in cultural sector;
- protectionism for
Ukrainian cultural industries.
e)
Concrete communication measures
- publication and
dissemination of the Research Paper and the Policy Paper;
- presentation of the policy
proposals in different forae (academic seminars, media presentations, the
Advisory Council of the Parliamentary Committee for Culture, National artistic
unions);
- lobbying Parliamentary
Committee for Culture for organization of Parliamentary hearings on cultural
policy reform.